Three Editorials expose The Evilness & Camouflage Of The Iranian Theocracy As well As those Who Do Their Best to Save It/مقالات ثلاث تعري خداع وابليسية نظام الملالي الدكتاتوري اضافة للقوى الدولية ومنها الحزب الديموقراطي الأميركي التي بغباء وانانية تعمل لحمايته وانعاشه
*Iran using US tensions to divert focus from virus crisis Dr. Majid Rafizadeh/Arab News/April 26/2020 د. ماجد رافيزادا: النظام الإيراني يستغل التوتر مع أميركا لتحويل البوصلة عن أزمة جائحة الكورونا
*Coronavirus: US-Iran tension is just one example of rising temperatures around the world Raghida Dergham/The National/April 26/2020 راغدة درغام: جائحة الكورونا فيرس ومن خلال التوتر والتصعيد الأميركي-الإيراني تعطى مثالاً على وضعية السخونة الدولية
Why Do Democrats Want to Save Iran’s Theocracy? A.J. Caschetta/The Hill/April 25/2020 أي. جاي. كاسشيتا/معهد كايتستون: ترى لأية أسباب يسعى الحزب الديموقراطي الأميركي للحفاظ على ةالدكتاتورية الملالوية الإيرانية
***** Iran using US tensions to divert focus from virus crisis Dr. Majid Rafizadeh/Arab News/April 26/2020 د. ماجد رافيزادا: النظام الإيراني يستغل التوتر مع أميركا لتحويل البوصلة عن أزمة جائحة الكورونا
The instigator of the rising tensions between the Islamic Republic and the White House is clearly Tehran. Six US ships — the Coast Guard Cutters Wrangell and Maui, the expeditionary mobile base Lewis B. Puller, the guided missile destroyer Paul Hamilton, and the patrol boats Firebolt and Sirocco — were this month sailing in international waters when they were harassed by a flotilla of armed speedboats. The boats, which belonged to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy (IRGCN), circled the US ships in a dangerous manner, as described in detail by the US Navy: “The IRGCN vessels repeatedly crossed the bows and sterns of the US vessels at extremely close range and high speeds, including multiple crossings of the Puller with a 50-yard closest point of approach and within 10 yards of Maui’s bow. The US crews issued multiple warnings via bridge-to-bridge radio, five short blasts from the ships’ horns and long-range acoustic noise maker devices, but received no response from the IRGCN.”
This is not the first time that Tehran has been implicated in acting dangerously in international waters. For instance, in May 2019, four tankers were attacked close to the port of Fujairah off the coast of the UAE. A month later, two other tankers — the Japanese Kokuka Courageous and the Norwegian Front Altair — were sabotaged while crossing the Gulf of Oman. One went up in flames, while the other was left to be towed away. In a third incident a few weeks later, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) released a video showing commandos in black ski masks and military fatigues descending from a helicopter to seize a British oil tanker in the Strait of Hormuz. The Iranians would on go to shoot down an American drone that was operating in international airspace.
Tehran is most likely violating international law, specifically the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. The theocratic establishment of Iran is a signatory to this UN convention but has long refrained from ratifying it.
Top Iranian officials have also resorted to heated rhetoric, likely to add fuel to the fire and further ratchet up the tensions. In the wake of this month’s incident, Foreign Minister Mohammed Javad Zarif retweeted a message he first posted two years ago: “US Navy can’t seem to find its way around our waters… Maybe it doesn’t know what it’s doing in our backyard, 7,000 miles from home.”
This kind of destructive behavior could see the crisis spiral out of control and lead to a major war in the region.
This kind of destructive behavior could see the crisis spiral out of control and lead to a major war in the region. Iran’s recent harassment of US ships prompted President Donald Trump to warn on Twitter: “I have instructed the United States Navy to shoot down and destroy any and all Iranian gunboats if they harass our ships at sea.”
This harassment came after Iran-backed Shiite militias launched several attacks on the US and its allies’ personnel in Iraq. One attack in mid-March killed several members of the US-led anti-Daesh coalition at Iraq’s Camp Taji base. Eighteen 107 millimeter Katyusha rockets slammed into the base, killing two Americans and one British soldier.
Meanwhile, Iran’s coronavirus death toll has now exceeded 33,400, according to opposition group the National Council of Resistance of Iran, even though the official figure is fewer than 6,000. And leaked documents have revealed widespread corruption in the Iranian Health Ministry, the IRGC and two organizations under the control of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.
The history of the Islamic Republic shows us that, whenever the regime is hit with a domestic crisis, it attempts to dodge accountability and responsibility by blaming other countries. That is why the Iranian authorities seem to have launched a campaign pointing a finger at the US and its sanctions for the coronavirus crisis. The US has offered Iran medical assistance, which was declined. And there have been no sanctions imposed on Iran concerning the fight against coronavirus, with Secretary of State Mike Pompeo saying: “There is no sanction on medicines going to Iran, there is no sanction on humanitarian assistance going into that country. They’ve got a terrible problem there and we want that humanitarian, medical assistance to get to the people of Iran.”
The regime is likely heightening tensions with the US in an attempt to divert attention from its cover-ups and mishandling of the pandemic.
*Dr. Majid Rafizadeh is an Iranian-American political scientist. He is a leading expert on Iran and US foreign policy, a businessman and president of the International American Council. Twitter: @Dr_Rafizadeh
Coronavirus: US-Iran tension is just one example of rising temperatures around the world Raghida Dergham/The National/April 26/2020 راغدة درغام: جائحة الكورونا فيرس ومن خلال التوتر والتصعيد الأميركي-الإيراني تعطى مثالاً على وضعية السخونة الدولية
Uncertainty within national borders is leading to diplomatic friction between countries
Even as the coronavirus-infected world has witnessed numerous examples of collaboration and co-operation between individuals, organisations and nations, there are also worrying signs of confrontation between key actors in the region and on the global stage.
The recent escalation in US-Iran tensions in the Gulf waters is an important example. Incidents of Iranian gunboats harassing American warships, which have prompted a stern warning from US President Donald Trump, are related to several factors. They include the recent collapse in oil prices, the US presidential election in November and the holy month of Ramadan.
Indeed, some Iranian leaders see Ramadan as an opportunity to mobilise public support for the regime in Tehran, especially if Mr Trump delivers on his threat to “destroy” any of their gunboats. They are probably also hoping that the escalation will lead to an increase in oil prices, which should presumably benefit oil-producing countries such as theirs, while dragging Mr Trump into a military confrontation that could prove costly in an election year.
Members of Iranian Red Crescent test people with possible coronavirus Covid-19 symptoms, as police blocked Tehran to Alborz highway to check every car following ordered by the Iranian government, outside Tehran. AFP
A confrontation is being “cooked up in Tehran” right now, I have reliably been informed, with the purpose of deflecting internal social pressures. Ordinary Iranians are said to be preparing for what is likely to be “a difficult post-Ramadan phase” because of the punishing effect of the coronavirus pandemic on an economy already battered by US-led sanctions.
Having concluded that Covid-19 will not lead to an end to American sanctions or the implementation of the European mechanism for circumventing those sanctions, the regime has seemingly opted to rely on military confrontation. According to reports, Iran could target tankers in the Gulf in the coming week.
It would therefore be foolhardy to expect the regime to reconsider its expansionary policies in the region. A visit to Damascus by Iran’s Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif last week has only re-affirmed Tehran’s support for Syrian President Bashar Al Assad’s regime.
That meeting received negative coverage in the Russian media, with Moscow being a key ally of Damascus. However, Iran and Russia have since renewed their pledge to co-operate in the war-torn country. It has also been reliably learnt that Russia – which is currently wrestling with the pandemic and the oil shock – will resume its support for the Assad regime over a new offensive in the north-western province of Idlib, parts of which are still held by rebels.
Russia is indeed reeling as a result of the virus – primarily because of the oil prices. Last week, the former deputy foreign minister Dr Andrei Fedorov had correctly predicted in this column that prices would crash below zero. His view was that this crisis is troubling for Russia, which lacks the economic resilience that Saudi Arabia, for instance, enjoys. “We are on the verge of an economic crisis that will last for at least two years,” Dr Andrei Fedorov said.
These days, there is concern among many governments – particularly the Trump administration – that the crisis could lead to social unrest, uprisings and protests, many of which have already begun in the virtual sphere. The growth of these protests is likely to encourage leaders to ease lockdowns, which exacerbate unemployment levels and stoke feelings of restlessness.
This has put a tremendous amount of pressure on the administration, with the US having become the eye of the storm in recent weeks; the death toll just passed the 50,000 mark this week. The current oil prices could well bankrupt major American oil companies and crash the strategic hydrocarbon sector, which could also have negative implications for Mr Trump’s election chances – although a second term is still within reach for the President.
The US-China relations could prove to be a key factor in the presidential election. The opposition Democratic Party has accused Mr Trump of excessively blaming Beijing for the sake of electoral calculations. But the fact that Germany, the UK, France and other European nations are also holding China partly responsible for the spread of the virus has made it look weak.
On the other hand, the Trump-led Republican Party supports the idea of confronting China, with US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s allegation that the virus originated in a Chinese lab receiving support within the party. All this is unlikely to bode well for Beijing’s reputation. And even though there are signs of an economic revival in China, authorities recently had to shut down the city of Harbin. All eyes will therefore be on the outcome of the Communist Party Central Committee meeting in the coming weeks, with speculation that Beijing could suspend projects under its Belt and Road Initiative.
It is important to point out that leaders and followers all over the world have been left anxious by the terrible tempest unleashed by this virus. And the problem is that there is little to indicate that tensions – be they military, economic or social in nature – will recede quickly in the post-coronavirus world.
*Raghida Dergham is the founder and executive chairwoman of the Beirut Institute
Why Do Democrats Want to Save Iran’s Theocracy? A.J. Caschetta/The Hill/April 25/2020 أي. جاي. كاسشيتا/معهد كايتستون: ترى لأية أسباب يسعى الحزب الديموقراطي الأميركي للحفاظ على ةالدكتاتورية الملالوية الإيرانية
At a time when Iran’s oppressive totalitarian regime is coming under increasing pressure from within and its grip on power is being tested daily, Democrats are rushing in with sanctions relief plans that would shore up its control. Ignorance, naiveté and a warped sense of priorities explains much of their recent activity.
Since last fall, protests in Iran have become bold. Rather than “Death to America!,” the chants in Tehran increasingly are “Death to the Dictator!” and “We don’t want the Ayatollahs!” If Ali Khamenei loses control because of his regime’s inept response to Iran’s COVID-19 deaths, it might be the only good thing to come out of the pandemic. That is, unless the Democrats have their way.
On April 9, Sen. Diane Feinstein (D-Calif.) wrote to President Trump, urging him not to block Iran’s request for a $5 billion humanitarian aid loan from the International Monetary Fund. On March 26, 11 senators wrote to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin requesting that the Trump administration suspend sanctions on Iran.
In their letter, Sens. Christopher Murphy (D-Conn.), Tom Carper (D-Del.), Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.), Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii), Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.), Chris Van Hollen (D-Md. ), Tim Kaine (D-Va.), Tom Udall (D-N.M.), Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio), and Jeffrey Merkley (D-Ore.) argue that “U.S. sanctions are hindering the free flow of desperately needed medical and humanitarian supplies” not only to Iran but also Venezuela. They argue that sanctions have “exacerbated the failing medical responses” and are increasing “anti-Americanism that is at the heart of both regimes’ hold on power.”
This embarrassingly simplistic view ignores the fact that, in both countries, anti-regime sentiments are stronger among the populace than anti-American sentiments. Both regimes hold power in spite of their people’s beliefs, not because of them.
The senators further undercut their argument by calling attention to 2003, when an earthquake killed 26,000 people in Iran. They applaud the Bush administration for having “temporarily suspended sanctions to send 150,000 pounds of medical supplies and more than 200 aid workers on military aircraft to help the people of Iran recover.” Such actions “show… that above all else, America cares about the preservation of human life.” The senators perhaps forgot that in 2012 after another earthquake, President Obama’s Treasury Department temporarily lifted sanctions against Iran.
But if American aid diminishes anti-Americanism, why does it persist among Iran’s clerics? Why didn’t it end in 2003 or 2012, after those displays of compassion? Why haven’t the mullahs realized that American philanthropy contradicts their “Great Satan” narrative?
The gullible Democrats seem ignorant of the well-documented fact that when relief money flows into Iran, it disappears. Pompeo revealed on March 23 that more than 1 billion euros designated for Iran’s fight against the coronavirus reportedly have gone missing, and personal protection equipment donated to Iranian hospitals has wound up for sale on the black market. Pompeo tweeted a video on March 28 showing Iranian President Hassan Rouhani acknowledging a “concerted effort to influence public opinion … aimed at bringing back our money seized in other countries.” Pompeo says Rouhani’s “concerted effort to lift U.S. sanctions isn’t about fighting the pandemic. It’s about cash for the regime’s leaders.”
Even Iran’s chief auditor, Abdel Azar, recognizes the problem. He published a report on April 14 charging that $4.8 billion has gone missing from the country’s budget and that some government employees are receiving “astronomical salaries.” For his work in exposing the apparent theft and corruption, he was denounced by Rouhani.
Another Democrat urging an Iranian bailout is former vice president Joe Biden, the party’s presumptive presidential nominee. On April 2, he released a statement on sanctions relief for Iran, bemoaning the Trump administration’s “failure [and] cruelty by inhibiting access to needed humanitarian assistance” in spite of the fact that Trump has offered both medical aid and the assistance of American physicians, both of which were rejected. Biden’s letter acknowledges Trump’s offer, but he worries that foreign governments and organizations fear retaliation from the U.S. His solution is for Trump to “issue comfort letters to reassure them that they will not be subject to U.S. sanctions.”
Biden calls for other extraordinary measures, such as “issuing broad licenses to pharmaceutical and medical device companies [and] creating a dedicated channel for international banks, transportation companies, insurers and other service firms to help Iranians.”
At a time when pharmaceutical and medical device companies are struggling to keep up with the needs of American patients and hospitals, and while banks, transportation companies and insurance firms are laboring to serve American customers, Joe Biden wants to add to the burden by redirecting their efforts in order to aid suffering Iranians.
Predictably, Obama’s former vice president complains that Trump’s “abandon[ing] the Iran nuclear deal in favor of a ‘maximum pressure’ strategy … has badly backfired, encouraging Iran to become even more aggressive.” Here Biden apparently has forgotten that the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) did nothing to curb Iran’s aggression. In January 2016, just months after the agreement was signed, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) seized 10 U.S. Navy sailors in international waters and held them hostage until then-Secretary of State John Kerry negotiated for their release and then issued a groveling statement expressing “gratitude to Iranian authorities for their cooperation in swiftly resolving this matter.” Expect more of the same if Joe Biden becomes president. He’ll probably make Kerry secretary of state again.
Biden’s defenders will say — as Democrats love to say of the JCPOA — that “at least Obama had a deal,” but they rarely acknowledge two important facts. One, through its sunset clauses, Obama’s deal only delayed Iran’s illegal nuclear program by 10-15 years, and then laundered it into a legal nuclear program. Two, Iran cheated on the deal from day one, with its hidden nuclear sites and research. Iran used the multibillion-dollar payout it scored on the front end of the JCPOA to sponsor more terrorism. It now seeks more cash, and Democrats appear all too willing to comply.
On what would Iran spend money that it gains through “sanctions relief”? It would pay Hezbollah salaries, including Kata’ib Hezbollah, the terrorist group attacking American forces in Iraq. It would supply missiles to its Shiite proxies worldwide, from Houthi rebels in Yemen to Hamas terrorists in Gaza. It would finance missile research and tests under the guise of a “space program.” It would continue sending gunboats to harass U.S. ships in international waters. It might even create more terrorist organizations, such as the new “League of Revolutionaries” currently threatening to bomb U.S. embassies and kidnap American forces throughout the Middle East.
Iran’s theocracy may not fall to a coronavirus coup — but, then again, it may. The government’s continued abilities to suppress protestors and pay its henchmen are crucial to its control of power. Easing the maximum-pressure sanctions would be like throwing a life preserver to the regime as it treads water and struggles to survive.
Go ahead Democrats, make Iran’s day.
*A.J. Caschetta is a Ginsberg-Ingerman fellow at the Middle East Forum and a principal lecturer at the Rochester Institute of Technology.
