From the LCCC, A Bundle Of English Reports, News, Opinions & Editorials For 23-24 October 2019 Addressing Lebanon’s Mass Revolt Against Lebanon’s Puppet Government & the Iranian Occupier, The Terrorist Hezbollah
Compiled By: Elias Bejjani
Titles For The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News published on October 23-24/2019
Videos of Troops Crying, Hugging Protesters Go Viral/Naharnet/October 23/2019
Interview With Joseph Bahout Discusses Lebanese anti-government protests and where they might lead/Michael Young/Carnegie/October 23/2019
A fake regime vs a genuine population: Lebanon – A popular movement and turning momentum/Sam Menassa and Ziad El Sayegh/Annahar/October 23/2019
Videos of Troops Crying, Hugging Protesters Go Viral
Rahi Urges Aoun to Start Consultations to Meet ‘People’s Demands’
Greek Orthodox metropolitan Elias Awdeh: Vacuum Better than Current Situation
US says it supports Lebanese people’s call for action for economic reform
United by Disgust, Lebanon Demos Search for Shared Future
Aoun Calls al-Rahi, Lauds Statement of Bkirki Christian Summit
Hariri Chairs Meeting on Looted Public Money Recovery Law
Army Scuffles with Protesters in Bid to Reopen Blocked Highways
Lebanese Army Scuffles with Protesters in Bid to Open Major Roads
Lebanese army begins clearing road blocks as protesters refuse to leave
Municipal Police Assault Protesters in Nabatiyeh
FPM Supporters, State Security Accused of Attacking Mazraat Yachouh Protesters
Geagea Hails al-Hassan, Slams Those who ‘Tried to Implicate Army in Repressing Protesters’
Judge Presses Charges against Miqati, Relatives for ‘Illicit Enrichment’
Former Lebanese PM Mikati denies illicit gains charges
Jarrah: Foreign, Domestic Agendas Pushing People to Stay on Streets
Lebanese Media Say Israeli Drone Shot down over Village
Tripoli: From ‘Lebanese Kandahar’ to Home of Protest Rave
30 Years on, Lebanon’s Sectarian Power-Sharing Challenged
Interview With Joseph Bahout Discusses Lebanese anti-government protests and where they might lead.
A fake regime vs a genuine population: Lebanon – A popular movement and turning momentum
Details Of The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News published on October 23-24/2019
Videos of Troops Crying, Hugging Protesters Go Viral
Naharnet/October 23/2019
https://youtu.be/2mn4o8zrsUw
http://www.naharnet.com/stories/en/265867-videos-of-troops-crying-hugging-protesters-go-viral
Videos of at least three army soldiers crying or hugging protesters went viral on Wednesday as troops moved in to reopen key highways, scuffling with demonstrators in some regions. Live TV footage showed hundreds of protesters trying to stand their ground to prevent the army from reopening the key Jal el-Dib and Zouk highways.Scenes of a soldier tearing up inside a military vehicle and another crying and hugging a protester soon went viral on social networking websites. Some reports said the man hugging the soldier was his father. Most soldiers have not seen their families in days.
Rahi Urges Aoun to Start Consultations to Meet ‘People’s Demands’
Naharnet/October 23/2019
Maronite Patriarch Beshara el-Rahi raised calls Wednesday upon President Michel Aoun to start consultations with the political and spiritual leaders “to make the necessary decisions regarding the demands of people” with whom he expressed solidarity. “We call the ruling power to take serious and courageous measures to pull the country out of what it is currently witnessing,” Rahi said following an emergency meeting for Christian spiritual leaders in Bkriki. Rahi said that Lebanon had been witnessing since October 17 a “popular historic and exceptional uprising which requires exceptional positions and measures.”
Accusing the ruling class of corruption and deviance, Rahi maintained that spiritual leaders must take immediate action amid the current situation. “It is high time the state meets the just demands and people’s life returns to normal,” he stressed. “We salute the revolting people and we express solidarity with their peaceful uprising,” he said. “We call this people to preserve the purity and peacefulness of their action to prevent anybody from taking advantage,” he added. Rahi finally said that the citizens’ right to transportation must be respected, and valued the efforts of the Lebanese army in protecting the protests.
Greek Orthodox metropolitan Elias Awdeh: Vacuum Better than Current Situation
Naharnet/October 23/2019
An emergency Christian spiritual summit was held in Bkirki on Wednesday amid nationwide protests spiraling for the seventh day in a row against the entire political class. “The people’s dignity is disregarded and vacuum is better than what we are living today,” said Greek Orthodox metropolitan Elias Awdeh before joining the meeting. “To those who demand the opening of roads in order to go to work, were they working before (the protests)?” asked Awdeh, also in reference to high unemployment rate in Lebanon and dire economic conditions.He added: “Let the Lebanese talk with the Lebanese, and let us have 20 vacuums because the vacuum is better than what we live today.” On Tuesday, Patriarch Beshara al-Rahi has called for the spiritual summit because “people have no trust in the State, but they do trust the Church,” he stated.
US says it supports Lebanese people’s call for action for economic reform
Reuters, Washington/Thursday, 24 October 2019
Lebanese people are “rightfully angered” with their government over its refusal to tackle corruption and the protests reflect their call for action, a senior US State Department official said on Wednesday, adding that Washington supports their right to demonstrate peacefully. Lebanon has been swept by unprecedented protests which have paralyzed the country for a week, against politicians blamed for corruption and waste in a state mired in debt and economic crisis. Early on Wednesday, the Lebanese army began a wide-scale operation to open roads blocked by a number of demonstrators in different cities as protesters refused to leave on the seventh day of nationwide protests. An Al Arabiya correspondent reported that the army tried to forcibly open some of the main roads, which led to some confrontations with protesters, especially in the areas of Keserwan, and Sidon.
United by Disgust, Lebanon Demos Search for Shared Future
Agence France Presse/Naharnet/October 23/2019
Lebanon’s massive street protests have made it clear what the demonstrators oppose — with the entire political class in the crosshairs — but the focus is now turning to what exactly they stand for. The almost one-week-old protests sparked by a tax on messaging services such as WhatsApp have morphed into a united condemnation of a political system seen as corrupt and beyond repair. The movement’s soundtrack has been a chorus of inventive chants calling out politicians from all sects and parties with rhyming insults. Most people want the unity government, which is supported by nearly all Lebanon’s major political parties, to resign, and disgust with the status quo has been a unifying force. But what they want next often differs. On the outskirts of another rally in Beirut, when tens of thousands again brought much of the capital to a standstill, teenager Peter Sayegh and his friend Andrew Baydoun were playing cards on a plastic table. They agreed that Prime Minister Saad Hariri has to go, but not on the future of Lebanon. “I want the people to rule and give us our rights, secure work for the country and secure my future so I won’t have to emigrate,” Sayegh said, leaning back on his chair while clutching a Lebanese flag.
Baydoun objected.
“The whole government needs to go and be replaced by a military one,” he argued, calling for 84-year-old President Michel Aoun, a former army chief, to stay on.
Scuffling over the future
Lebanon is marked by stark political and sectarian divisions. Many of its political leaders today were warlords fighting along religious lines during Lebanon’s brutal 1975-1990 civil conflict. The government is set up to balance power between multiple sects, which include different Christian groups, Sunni and Shiite Muslims, as well as the Druze. But it often entrenches power and influence along sectarian lines. The protests have been overwhelmingly apolitical, with all party and religious symbols abandoned in favor of the cedar-stamped national flag. They have also been inclusive — with no specific stated goals, or leadership or management structure. But the bottom-up structure also poses risks — with fears that the momentum could slip away as people feel pressure to return to work or school. Numbers of protesters have declined since peaking Sunday, which is weekend in Lebanon. Mass protests in 2015 ultimately failed to achieve major change and elections in 2018 ushered in the same sectarian parties. In 2016, a non-sectarian coalition called Beirut Madinati (Beirut is my city) came close but ultimately fell short in city elections. In the general election two years later, the group was part of a coalition that won only one seat.
‘Demands later’
On Monday, Mona Fawaz of Beirut Madinati gave a brief speech in the center of the capital, stressing she was not claiming to represent the entire protest movement. Yet parts of the crowd accused her group of trying to hijack the demonstrations. “Go and speak in ABC,” one protester yelled, accusing the group of elitism by referring a high-end shopping mall in Beirut. Speeches on Tuesday evening concentrated on points of agreement: calls for the government’s resignation and reclaiming public funds embezzled by politicians. Nizar Hassan, 26, part of a leftwing group called Lihaqqi (for my rights), said the protest movement had to be realistic. “This is a popular uprising, you can’t just say: ‘These are the demands.’ But a lot of people are talking about things that are actually quite achievable,” he said. For Hassan, an interim government of technocrats could stabilize the economy ahead of new elections in which the traditional parties would be obliterated. “In 2015, people were talking about overthrowing the sectarian system altogether. (Now) people are much more knowledgeable of the limits,” he said. Carmen Geha, an assistant professor at the American University of Beirut, said the new protests had support across economic groups and throughout the country. “Leaderless movements can dissipate and be co-opted,” she warned. “There is a need to frame the demands. But right now this is a popular protest — go to the streets now and talk demands later.”
Aoun Calls al-Rahi, Lauds Statement of Bkirki Christian Summit
Naharnet/October 23/2019
President Michel Aoun on Wednesday held phone talks with Maronite Patriarch Beshara al-Rahi over the statement issued by Bkirki about the popular revolt that has been rocking the country for the past seven days. The president lauded “the content of the statement and the calls issued by Cardinal al-Rahi,” the National News Agency said. This is the second call between Aoun and al-Rahi in 24 hours following last night’s talks. Strong Lebanon bloc secretary MP Ibrahim Kanaan had visited the patriarch Wednesday morning as part of “the consultations between Baabda and Bkirki,” NNA said. In the Bkirki statement which was recited by al-Rahi, Lebanon’s Maronite, Catholic, Greek Orthodox and Evangelical religious leaders called on the government to listen to the people’s demands, adding that “the people would not have risen had they not reached extreme pain.” The statement also called on Aoun to start consultations with the country’s political and religious leaders to take action in response to people’s demands. And describing the unprecedented and cross-sectarian protests as “a historic and extraordinary popular uprising that requires historic stances and extraordinary measures,” the statement called on protesters to “respect citizens’ freedom of movement, especially in terms of securing their health, educational, livelihood and economic needs.”
Hariri Chairs Meeting on Looted Public Money Recovery Law
Naharnet/October 23/2019
Prime Minister Saad Hariri chaired Wednesday afternoon at the Center House a meeting of the ministerial committee in charge of financial and economic reforms. “The committee studied a draft law on the recovery of looted public money and decided to request suggestions on this matter from the Supreme Judicial Council within a period of ten days,” a statement issued by Hariri’s office said. “Prime Minister Hariri instructed the Beirut and North Lebanon bar associations to organize a workshop within ten days and take the viewpoints of lawyers, including from civil society, with the participation of the Ministry of Justice,” the statement added. Ministers Ali Hassan Khalil, Salim Jreissati, Youssef Fenianos, Mohammed Fneish, Wael Abu Faour, Jamal al-Jarrah, Mohammed Choucair, Adel Afiouni, Saleh al-Gharib, Albert Serhan and Mansour Bteish as well as the Secretary General of the Council of Ministers Mahmoud Makkiyeh and a number of advisors attended.
Army Scuffles with Protesters in Bid to Reopen Blocked Highways
Agence France Presse/Associated Press/
Anti-government protesters scuffled with army troops on Wednesday in Jal el-Dib and Zouk Mosbeh areas amid attempts to reopen major roads as the country witnesses nationwide protests against the political class. The army vowed to protect the protesters, but said roads have to be opened so that people can get on with business. On Wednesday morning, troops moved in large numbers to open several major roads in the capital and other cities, facing off with protesters carrying red, white and green Lebanese flags. In some places, protesters refused to move away, leading to the scuffles. Thousands of soldiers deployed in Beirut and its suburbs, and in the southern cities of Sidon and Tyre to clear the roads. They were able to clear some and failed in other places. The two sides were keen to avoid friction and not to clash. Some protesters were seen giving soldiers red roses, telling them their suffering is identical as they are both victims of corruption. Some soldiers were overcome by emotions and at least three broke down in tears. The army is one of few state institutions that enjoy wide support and respect among the public as it is seen as a unifying force in the deeply-divided country.
Three people were injured during scuffles and several arrested and later released, the Lebanese official news agency said. The protesters in Jal el-Dib chanted the Lebanese anthem and songs dedicated to the Lebanese army as the troops tried to reopen the highway by force. The troops managed to briefly open the main highway to the capital before it was blocked again.
Hundreds of army soldiers meanwhile set up a human wall in front of the demonstrators. Kataeb MP Sami Gemayel joined the protesters and took part in the sit-in where the protesters refused to leave the road. A stampede led to injuries among protesters. Protesters chanted “peaceful peaceful” demonstrations. They raised their arms up — a gesture the protesters agreed upon since the beginning of the demos — signaling no aggression. Demonstrators threw flowers at the soldiers emphasizing their moves will remain peaceful. In Zouk Mosbeh, MP Elias Hankash followed Gemayel’s suit and joined the demonstrators. Schools, universities, banks and government institutions have been closed for the past week, as protesters blocked main roads and intersections. The closures have cut off the capital from the Bekaa region, leading to some shortages in foodstuffs and fruits and vegetables.
‘The fear is gone’
Hassan, 27, was brandishing a Lebanese flag as protesters blocked a main street into Beirut Wednesday. The army removed barriers but the demonstrators remained, keeping the road closed. “That’s it, the fear has gone,” said the 27-year-old. Michel Khairallah, a young waiter, said people would “block the country until victory.” For him that means a new government “without corrupt ministers,” made up of “young and competent people” able to finally move the country forward. “They exist, they are just waiting for their turn,” he said. Fresh demonstrations were scheduled Wednesday from north to south of the country for the seventh consecutive day. More than a quarter of Lebanon’s population lives in poverty, according to the World Bank. The country endured a devastating civil war that ended in 1990 and many of the political leaders are those that fought, often brutally, along religious lines. The government is set up to balance power between multiple sects, which include different Christian groups, Sunni and Shiite Muslims, as well as the Druze.
But in reality it often entrenches power and influence along sectarian lines. Embattled Prime Minister Saad Hariri presented a vast economic reform plan Monday, including the salary cuts, but it did little to assuage the demonstrators. “Too little, too late?” the French-language newspaper L’Orient Le Jour wondered in a front page editorial Wednesday. Lebanese media discussed a range of options for further measures including a government reshuffle and early elections. The protests, which Lebanese politicians have accepted were spontaneous, do not have a specific leader or organizer. A coordination committee of the revolution announced its formation during a speech in Beirut Tuesday, but it remains unclear how much influence it has. A group of economists have offered their services to seek solutions. Lebanon’s economy has been sliding closer to the abyss in recent months, with public debt soaring past 150 percent of GDP and ratings agencies grading Lebanese sovereign bonds as “junk.” Fears of a default have compounded the worries of Lebanese citizens exasperated by the poor quality of public services. Residents suffer daily electricity shortages and unclean water.
Lebanese Army Scuffles with Protesters in Bid to Open Major Roads
Asharq Al-Awsat/Wednesday, 23 October, 2019
Lebanese troops and anti-government protesters have scuffled in the Zouk Mosbeh area north of Beirut on Wednesday as the military moved to reopen major roads blocked by the demonstrators. The protesters have blocked the streets since the eruption of the demonstrations on Thursday.
Thousands of troops deployed in Beirut and its suburbs, and in the southern cities of Sidon and Tyre to clear the roads on Wednesday. In Zouk Mosbeh, Beirut’s northern suburb, troops managed to briefly open the main highway to the capital before it was blocked again. Nationwide demonstrations that began last week grew larger on Monday, after Prime Minister Saad Hariri announced a package of economic reforms the government hopes would help revived the struggling economy. The protesters have denounced Hariri’s package as empty promises and are demanding the resignation of his Cabinet. The people are furious at a political class they accuse of pushing the economy to the point of collapse. Schools and banks were closed on Wednesday. Speaker Nabih Berri, one of the figures the protesters have vented their anger against, said Wednesday that Lebanon cannot withstand its current state of “suspension.””The country cannot bear remaining suspended and we fear a vacuum and nothing else,” he told his members of his parliamentary bloc at their regular Wednesday meeting. Earlier, Maronite Patriarch Beshara al-Rahi called for a change in government to include qualified technocrats and urged President Michel Aoun to begin talks with other politicians to address the demands of protesters angered by an economic crisis. He said reform measures announced by Hariri were a good “first step” but they required replacing ministers in the current government with technocrats.
He did not call for the resignation of Hariri’s national unity government as protesters have demanded. “The list of reforms is a positive first step but it requires amending the ministers and renewing the administrative team with national, qualified figures,” he said in a televised speech. Hariri met Central Bank Governor Riad Salameh on Wednesday following his return from Washington, where the governor was attended IMF and World Bank meetings. The protests have been extraordinary because of their size and geographic reach in a country where political movements are normally divided on sectarian lines and struggle to draw nationwide appeal. Lebanon has one of the world’s highest levels of government debt as a share of economic output. The government includes most major parties, run by politicians widely perceived to have mobilized state resources and influence for their own gain. Nearly three decades after the end of the 1975-1990 civil war, Lebanon still experiences frequent cutoffs of water and electricity. With public transport networks virtually non-existent, its aging roads are clogged with traffic. Chronic problems with waste management have sparked mass protests in recent years.
The economy has been hit by political paralysis and regional conflicts, compounded by strains in the financial system that have risen as inward capital flows have slowed. Unemployment among the under 35s runs at 37%. Lebanese have started to feel pressures in the financial system more acutely of late, with dollars becoming harder to obtain at the official exchange rate. The pound, pegged at its current rate for two decades, has been under pressure.
Lebanese army begins clearing road blocks as protesters refuse to leave
Staff writer, Al Arabiya English/Wednesday, 23 October 2019
The Lebanese army began a wide-scale operation on Wednesday to open roads blocked by a number of demonstrators in different cities as protesters refused to leave on the seventh day of nationwide protests. An Al Arabiya correspondent reported that the army tried to forcibly open some of the main roads, which led to some confrontations with protesters, especially in the areas of Keserwan, and Sidon. The Lebanese army begins a wide-scale operation to open roads blocked by a number of demonstrators in different cities, with reports of confrontations as protesters refuse to leave. Reports suggest the army was forcibly removing protesters from the highway in Nahr al-Kelb, one of the main roads going into Beirut from the north. Traffic data showed that many roads in and around Beirut remained closed. “Peaceful demonstration is a right in Lebanon and we refuse to close roads and block people,” Suleiman Frangieh, the leader of the Marada Movement political party said.
Banks remain closed
Banks remained closed for a fifth day, with the banking association saying they will remain closed on Thursday as they are “waiting for the general situation to stabilize.”The government’s recent fiscal reforms, which include a tax on the profits of banks, are credit negative for the sector, according to the ratings agency Moody’s.
Media under fire
The night before, the chief of Lebanon’s National News Agency, Laure Sleiman, was fired from her post. The NNA had been covering the protests. Protesters had also stormed the offices of TV Lebnan, accusing the station of not covering the protests sufficiently. One reporter told Al Arabiya English that they did not feel safe in certain areas of the city. However, other reporters could be seen freely mingling with the crowds and conducting interviews safely.
Maronite Patriach supports protests
Lebanon’s Maronite Patriarch Bechara Boutros Al-Rai said on Wednesday that reform measures enacted to calm nationwide protests were a good “first step” but that a new cabinet was required to implement them. In a televised speech Rai said he supported the protests and urged them to remain peaceful. “The list of reforms is a positive first step but it requires amending the ministers and renewing the administrative team,” Lebanese broadcaster LBC quoted Rai as saying. Parliament Speaker says Lebanon can’t withstand state of suspension. Lebanon cannot withstand its current state of “suspension,” Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri said on Wednesday, Lebanese Hezbollah’s al-Manar TV reported, on the seventh day of anti-government protests that have paralyzed the country. “The country cannot bear remaining suspended and we fear a vacuum and nothing else,” Manar cited Berri as telling MPs in his parliamentary bloc at their regular Wednesday meeting. Reports from Shia areas of south Beirut and the calls for cross-sectarian unity from protesters suggest that all political parties, including Berri’s Amal party, are losing authority. Around 100-200 Hezbollah and Amal supporters on motorbikes drove to central Beirut and tried to disrupt the protests, but were pushed back by the army. Mass protests across the country have continued on Wednesday.
Municipal Police Assault Protesters in Nabatiyeh
Naharnet/October 23/2019
Municipal policemen on Wednesday assaulted protesters in the southern city of Nabatiyeh and prevented TV reporters and cameramen from continuing coverage. “Protesters in Nabatiyeh are urging the army to intervene after municipal police elements tried to disperse their sit-in,” al-Jadeed TV reported.
Noting that army troops “did not intervene” to prevent the municipal police from assaulting protesters, al-Jadeed said the decision to disperse the demo was taken by “the leaderships of Hizbullah and the AMAL Movement in the region.”
FPM Supporters, State Security Accused of Attacking Mazraat Yachouh Protesters
Naharnet/October 23/2019
Free Patriotic Movement supporters, escorted by State Security agents, assaulted protesters Wednesday evening and vandalized their protest encampment in the northern Metn town of Mazraat Yachouh, the demonstrators said.
A protester said the FPM supporters beat up men, women and even children.“They arrived in 50 packed cars,” the protester told al-Jadeed television.
Geagea Hails al-Hassan, Slams Those who ‘Tried to Implicate Army in Repressing Protesters’
Naharnet/October 23/2019
Lebanese Forces leader Samir Geagea on Wednesday applauded Interior Minister Raya al-Hassan and the army as he blasted parties he accused of seeking to entangle the military in a confrontation with protesters. “I salute Interior Minister Raya al-Hassan over her honorable stance,” Geagea tweeted, after reports said that the minister had refused to order the Internal Security Forces to take part in the reopening of blocked roads by force. “Shame on those who tied to implicate the army in the repression of protesters and the biggest salutation goes to the Lebanese Army,” Geagea added.
On Wednesday morning, troops moved in large numbers to open several major especially in the northern Metn region, facing off with protesters carrying red, white and green Lebanese flags. In some places, such as Jal el-Dib, Zouk, Nahr el-Kalb and Sidon, protesters refused to move away, which resulted in scuffles and injuries. Thousands of soldiers deployed in Beirut, Metn and the southern cities of Sidon and Tyre to clear the roads. They were able to clear some and failed in other places. The two sides were keen to avoid friction and not to clash. Some protesters were seen giving soldiers red roses, telling them their suffering is identical as they are both victims of corruption. Some soldiers were overcome by emotions and at least three broke down in tears. The army is one of few state institutions that enjoy wide support and respect among the public as it is seen as a unifying force in the deeply-divided country.
The Zouk highway witnessed scuffles between protesters and troops who managed to briefly open the main route to the capital before it was blocked again. In nearby Jal el-Dib area, troops were also able to open part of the highway briefly before large numbers of people, including Kataeb Party chief MP Sami Gemayel, marched from nearby areas and closed it again. The army issued a statement later saying it is committed to protecting the protests as long as they are not closing roads. “We are opening the roads for your sake so that people get their needed medicine, food and gasoline,” the army said.
Judge Presses Charges against Miqati, Relatives for ‘Illicit Enrichment’
Agence France Presse/Naharnet/October 23/2019
Mount Lebanon State Prosecutor, Judge Ghada Aoun, on Wednesday pressed charges against former prime minister Najib Miqati, 63, his son Maher and his brother Taha, as well as against Bank Audi, for illicit enrichment, the National News Agency reported. NNA said Mikati and others are charged for obtaining housing loans subsidized by the Central Bank of Lebanon. The Judge referred them before the first investigative judge, NNA added. Miqati later held a press conference in which he voiced surprise over the “timing” of Judge Ghada Aoun’s decision to prosecute him, describing it as a political “message” from the presidency. Miqati added that he is “at the disposal of the judiciary,” saying that he will not “hide behind” his parliamentary immunity and that he is ready to lift bank secrecy off his accounts. He said the charges were punishment for not supporting the election of President Michel Aoun in 2016 and for calling on the government to resign in the face of mass protests that broke out last week. Bank Audi, which was accused of cooperating with Miqati, also emphatically denied the allegations in a statement, denying “any activity related to illicit enrichment.” According to reports, Miqati, the founder of holding company Miqati Group, was accused of eating up a big chunk of subsidized financing to purchase homes. The former prime minister, who resigned from the post in 2013, has previously denied the allegations. He announced he will give a press conference on Wednesday to address the charges. Corruption is rife in Lebanon, but it is rare for politicians to face legal proceedings. The telecoms mogul, in tandem with his brother Taha, has multiple business interests in West Africa and across the globe. Miqati’s estimated wealth is $2.5 billion, making him among the 1,000 richest people in the world. More than 25 percent of Lebanon’s population lives in poverty, according to the World Bank. In 2018, Lebanese media reported that Miqati and the others were accused of wrongly receiving millions of dollars in subsidized housing loans. The loans were supposed to help low- and middle-income Lebanese buy homes. The government-backed scheme has subsequently stopped granting any new loans. At the time, the Miqatis dismissed the accusations. Hundreds of thousands of Lebanese have poured onto the streets daily since last Thursday in an unprecedented outburst of anger against a political class widely seen as corrupt. Some demonstrators have raised signs calling for the housing loan program to be revived.
Former Lebanese PM Mikati denies illicit gains charges
Agencies/Wednesday, 23 October 2019
Former Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati denied charges brought by a prosecutor involving illicit gains from subsidized housing loans, his communications adviser said on Wednesday, calling the case politically motivated. Mikati’s adviser said the loans were purely commercial and met central bank regulations, and said the charges came in response to Mikati’s criticism of President Michel Aoun and support for protests targeting him and his government. Mikati, along with his brother, his son and local Lebanese Bank Audi have been accused of “illicit enrichment,” the National News Agency reported.
Bank Audi denied on Wednesday any involvement in “illegitimate enrichment.” The former prime minister, who resigned from the post in 2013, has previously denied the allegations. He announced he will give a press conference on Wednesday to address the charges. Mikati’s estimated wealth is $2.5 billion, making him among the 1,000 richest people in the world. In 2018, Lebanese media reported that Mikati and the others were accused of wrongly receiving millions of dollars in subsidized housing loans. The loans were supposed to help low and middle-income Lebanese buy homes. The government-backed scheme has subsequently stopped granting any new loans. At the time, the Mikatis dismissed the accusations.
Jarrah: Foreign, Domestic Agendas Pushing People to Stay on Streets
Naharnet/October 23/2019
Information Minister Jamal al-Jarrah on Wednesday alleged that “there are foreign and domestic political agendas pushing people to stay on the streets and perhaps scuffle with the army.”In an interview with Sky News Arabia, Jarrah said Prime Minister Saad Hariri has asked the army to “reopen roads and preserve the security of protests in public squares.” “The content of the reform paper announced by PM Hariri is important, huge and unprecedented in Lebanon,” Jarrah added.
Lebanese Media Say Israeli Drone Shot down over Village
Asharq Al-Awsat/Wednesday, 23 October, 2019
A Lebanese man shot down an Israeli drone with a hunting rifle near the border village of Kfar Kila, reported the National News Agency. The Israeli military only says the drone “fell” over a Lebanese village near the heavily-guarded border “during routine security activity.” The military declined to comment on the type of drone or the cause of the crash, which took place on Wednesday. Lebanon’s Hezbollah and Israel fought a monthlong war in 2006. Lebanon and Israel remain technically in a state of war, though the border has been mostly calm since that conflict. A Lebanese government investigation concluded last month two Israeli drones were on an attack mission when they crashed in Beirut in August.
Tripoli: From ‘Lebanese Kandahar’ to Home of Protest Rave
Agence France Presse/Naharnet/October 23/2019
The northern seaside city of Tripoli, once perceived as a hotbed for hardline Islamists, has emerged as the scene of Lebanon’s most festive protests, with euphoric crowds dancing deep into the night. For days, hundreds of demonstrators denouncing dire living conditions, corruption and tax hikes, have converged on Tripoli’s al-Nour Square, with focused protests evolving into an impromptu concert after the sun sets. In unprecedented scenes for Lebanon’s relatively conservative Sunni Muslim heartland, a DJ blasted beats from a balcony as protesters in the square below turned on the torches on their mobile phones creating a sea of twinkling light. Gathering around a huge silver sculpture of the word “Allah”, people distributed free lemonade and sweets, as demonstrators chanted slogans and danced to popular anthems, including the Italian hit “Bella Ciao”. Mahdi Karima, the 29 year-old DJ behind the sound of Tripoli’s uprising, said the idea of a protest rave rapidly spread across Lebanon. “It gave the Tripoli protests a civilized character and it was talked about by all the Lebanese,” he told AFP. “This revolution broke stereotypical depictions of the city,” he said. From 2007 to 2014, Lebanon’s second city was the scene of frequent clashes between Sunni residents of the Bab al-Tabbaneh district, and Alawite residents of neighboring Jabal Mohsen. In 2013, a twin bombing on mosques killed 45 people. The security situation has been quiet since the army deployed to the area in 2014, but Tripoli is still widely seen as a volatile militant bastion like Afghanistan’s Kandahar, spiritual birthplace of the Taliban. Hundreds of men from the Tripoli region have traveled to Syria to fight alongside jihadist groups.
‘Surprised everyone’
That was until the festive scenes this weekend turned that image on its head. After years of interviewing hardline extremists and filming children holding guns in the city, the Lebanese media is now streaming live images of partying from its main square. “Tripoli paid a high price due to the current political system and bore the stigma of terrorism. Everyone was afraid of entering this city, seen as an extremist and Islamist place,” said Amal, a 22-year-old student. But “the residents of Tripoli surprised everyone in Lebanon and abroad with this civilized protest,” she said.
“We broke their preconceptions.” Footage from the protest-turned-rave went viral on social media networks and aired on local news broadcasts, encouraging protesters from across northern Lebanon to join the Tripoli demonstrations, even Christians from neighboring areas. “It truly felt like a wedding,” said Mahmoud Shawak, a 50-year-old protest organizer. Like in other parts of the country, protesters in Tripoli spoke out against their traditional sectarian leaders, who are among the wealthiest men in the country. They tore down posters of their parliamentary representatives and chanted the popular refrain of the Arab Spring uprisings of 2011: “The people demand the fall of the regime.” Marginalized for decades by the central government, Lebanon’s second city is among the most impoverished in the country. Its commercial port has been left to fall into disrepair, and an outdoor exhibition site designed by Brazilian architect Oscar Niemeyer lies abandoned and at risk of ruin. According to a 2015 study by the United Nations, 57 percent of the population in Tripoli live at or below the poverty line and 26 percent suffer extreme poverty. Spillover from the conflict in neighboring Syria has only worsened the situation. “Tripoli is revolting because it is neglected and oppressed,” said Nafez Muqadam, a 60-year-old activist and doctor. “The country will be destroyed if the ruling class remains.”
30 Years on, Lebanon’s Sectarian Power-Sharing Challenged
Agence France Presse/Naharnet/October 23/2019
The 1989 Taef accords led to the end of Lebanon’s civil war but have since become a by-word for the kind of sectarian-based governance that many protesters feel needs to be scrapped. The protests sparked on October 17 have spread across the country and quickly grown into an unprecedented cross-sectarian street mobilisation against the political class.
– What are the Taef accords? –
The agreement — signed in Saudi Arabia on October 22, 1989 — was designed to end the devastating civil conflict that started in 1975 and reconcile a deeply divided country. The accords shaped Lebanon’s political system, enshrining a 50:50 power-sharing balance between Christians and Muslims in parliament, a controversial system which some see as the best guarantee of peace and others as hindrance to true citizenship. The document affirms Lebanon’s independence, sovereignty and democratic character, and it apportions key positions between the dominant communities, transferring much of the power from the president to the prime minister. Traditionally, the president in Lebanon has always been a Maronite Christian, the parliament speaker a Shiite Muslim and the prime minister a Sunni Muslim. Under the agreement, parliament seats are evenly shared by Christians and Muslims. “Taef has established a set of customs and practises” that amount to a “parallel constitution for Lebanon”, said analyst Ali al-Amin. Yet several of its key points have been ignored, including the “abolition of political confessionalism”. “The Taef accords called for the creation of a commission to abolish sectarian politics, administrative decentralisation, the creation of a senate and a number of structural reforms, all of which remained a dead letter,” political analyst Karim Bitar said.
Were they successful?
The accords not only paved the way for the end of the war a year later but also allowed for the demobilisation of militias, except Hizbullah, and the reconstruction of the army and country’s infrastructure. The hundreds of thousands of protesters who have been demonstrating for almost a week initially took to the streets over tax hikes and bad services. Their main demand now is the removal of an entire political class they say has developed patronage networks to ruthlessly exploit the sectarian system for their own benefit. “That’s a fundamental break from the past. The Lebanese aspire to a new social contract not based on clientelism and sectarianism,” Bitar said. Within the Taif agreement there are provisions that match protesters’ demands, but the way it is understood and implemented by the political class is diametrically opposed. “What we are witnessing now is nothing less than the emergence of a Lebanese citizen identity. These recent demonstrations are really unprecedented,” said Bitar. “From north to south, people describe themselves as citizens who want a direct link to the state — not as belonging to a community that just wants its share of the cake,” he added.
What alternatives?
Prime Minister Saad Hariri announced a series of reforms on Monday approved in response to the protests.
But the emergency measures were met with scepticism by many demonstrators, who viewed them as a desperate attempt by politicians to keep their jobs. “If he had wanted to take really radical measures, Saad Hariri could have announced the appointment of the commission” for the abolition of confessionalism, analyst Karim el-Mufti said. Putting the Taef accords on the table again is a move many in Lebanon have shunned, saying it could risk sparking sectarian discord. “Those who still defend the Taef accords today argue that an alternative would be negative and revive debates over the level of representation of each community,” Bitar said. Hizbullah was not a political force back in 1989, and some parties fear that the Shiite movement would push for a change of the 50:50 ratio to claim a bigger share with a “three thirds” system between Christians, Sunnis and Shiites. According to Bitar, there is a split “between Lebanese youth — those who are protesting today and have moved into the post-Taef era — and a political class that is bent on preserving sectarian bastions.””So this is a limbo. Taef has become obsolete but we still can’t see what could replace it,” he said.
Interview With Joseph Bahout Discusses Lebanese anti-government protests and where they might lead.
Michael Young/Carnegie/October 23, 2019
In an interview, Joseph Bahout discusses Lebanese anti-government protests and where they might lead.
In the past week, protests have erupted throughout Lebanon against financial measures planned by the government of Saad al-Hariri to address the country’s severe economic crisis. These measures would have included raising value-added taxes on the Lebanese, as well as a particularly unpopular fee imposed on internet telephone calls. It quickly became evident, however, that the motivation for the protests ran much deeper and reflected profound hostility to the political class in general, which is perceived as corrupt and ineffective. To examine the implications of the protests, Diwan spoke to Carnegie nonresident scholar Joseph Bahout, who has followed the events closely.
Michael Young: On Monday, Prime Minister Saad al-Hariri announced economic measures to alleviate the severity of Lebanon’s economic and financial crisis. What will be the impact of this?
Joseph Bahout: After a 72-hour interregnum once the protests began, Hariri presented his reform road map last Monday. If we examine it closely we can see that it is a set of disparate measures that offers no real perspective for the structural economic changes that are required to avoid an economic collapse. What we saw, instead, appeared to be simply an effort to buy time.
Some of these measures were cosmetic, designed to achieve a populist aim—for example slashing the salaries of ministers and parliamentarians. Some were long overdue, but their implementation will require a radical change in behavior by the government, for example with regard to management of the electricity sector. And some are potentiality divisive for the government, such as the move to raise taxes on banks’ profits, which could provoke financial panic that would exacerbate the crisis.
The protest movement quickly rejected Hariri’s plan and escalated its demands. These include the government’s resignation, the formation of a new government of apolitical technocrats, a new electoral law and new elections, in addition to a profound change in the government’s management of the economy. However, the protest movement is not organized and in time it risks exhaustion or division. This is what the government is wagering on to survive.
MY: What are the possible outcomes in the coming period?
JB: Within the government there are already serious divisions, and they will widen further from now on. Paradoxically, after the protests Hariri should be more conscious of the leverage he has to effect change in financial and economic policy. President Michel Aoun and Hezbollah need for him to remain in office as he is the favored interlocutor of the international community and donors. However, Hariri also lacks allies inside his government, especially after the resignation of ministers from the Lebanese Forces. At the same time, Aoun and Hezbollah remain unwilling to concede any real decisionmaking power to the prime minister, even though the reaction from the street should have frightened them and undermined the aura of power they seemed to enjoy.
If the reform measures prove insufficient and if the protest movement remains resilient, we should expect a prolonged stalemate. This will probably increase the risks of more violent incidents. The same kind of risk is to be expected if Hariri were to resign. This would most probably lead to a prolonged vacuum in the government, with the ensuing negative repercussions for the economy. Of course, another alternative could then be the formation of a government by Aoun, Hezbollah, and their allies. However, this would set Lebanon on a collision course with a large number of its international partners.
The only organized political forces able to exploit the scenarios I’ve laid out are Hezbollah and the Lebanese armed forces. This explains the persistence of a tenacious rumor now circulating in Beirut about a potential role for the military in resolving the crisis, a demand articulated even by some protesters. Indeed, the military’s behavior is now being closely scrutinized by protesters, if only so that soldiers might act as a shield against political forces opposed to the protests who are loyal to senior government officials; or, eventually, to protect a “national salvation” government that might be responsible for a political transition, if one is feasible.
MY: How willing is the military to cross the line and seek a confrontation, even a soft one, with Hezbollah?
JB: In the past two days the army prevented attacks against the protesters by followers of Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri’s Amal Movement and some Hezbollah vigilantes. Prior to that, Hariri had vowed to protect the protesters and the military command had also warned that it would not tolerate any aggression against the protest movement (especially after Amal thugs used weapons to try to suppress protests in Shi‘a strongholds last weekend). The army acted firmly and Amal ordered its militants to withdraw from the streets.
Such developments raised several questions. Hezbollah is widely believed to have considerable influence over the armed forces, even infiltrating the institution. Did something change lately? If not, then what are the limits to this new behavior by the military? And if yes, will Hezbollah momentarily heed the army’s warnings in order to weather the current storm?
Also, the dynamics between the military and Michel Aoun has to be monitored as well. The armed forces commander, General Joseph Aoun, was picked by the president, but he is also known to have very poor relations with his son in law, Foreign Minister Gebran Bassil. Moreover, both are regarded as rival presidential hopefuls to succeed the aging Michel Aoun.
After several days of protests all over Lebanon, the two figures who have been most insulted by demonstrators have been Bassil and Berri. Even Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s secretary general, has not been spared. Such dynamics will shape the evolution, options, and prospects of the protest movement down the road.
A fake regime vs a genuine population: Lebanon – A popular movement and turning momentum
Needless to say, the Lebanese people, no matter their sectarian, societal or even partisan affiliations, broke the barriers of fear and reluctance
Sam Menassa and Ziad El Sayegh/Annahar/October 23/2019
Sick and tired of the economic and political corruption of their rulers and the loss of sovereignty, Lebanese people are protesting.
The authorities always bet on devising new dynamics for subduing, monopolizing, appeasing and causing the numbing of the population. However, last week’s protests, described by some as spontaneous, were the consequence of recurrent structural mismanagement, quackery, makeup, and tinkering. The protests are evidence of the expiration date and inefficiency of misleading dynamics and show that Lebanese people are taking control of their destiny.
Needless to say, the Lebanese people, no matter their sectarian, societal or even partisan affiliations, broke the barriers of fear and reluctance by seeking to put an end to continuous attempts of making them feel beholden to their governments.
They also surmounted the fake sectarian and political borders obviously fabricated to separate them. Based on the above, it may be relevant to conduct an in-depth investigation into the root causes of this uprising, the different phases of translating it into practical terms and the risks of failure or abortion. Furthermore, it is worth examining its prospects of success in building an infrastructure for real change to happen and help release Lebanon from those who have held dominion over the country’s sovereignty, administration and policies, and who spread non-governance within a rotten, pernicious and engrained patronage regime.
Austerity measures broke the already tense relationship between non-partisans and power. The reference to non-partisans is essential as it became clear that the majority of those who took the streets, referred to as the silent bloc, were far removed from political polarization. It is a sign of deadlock for the traditional parties whose legitimacy stems from a marginalized silent bloc on the one hand and subordinate partisans on the other. Austerity measures seemed to be the driving force of non-partisans, but also of partisans who understood that those who subdued them to protect their own interests were unprecedentedly abusing public goods they commonly own alongside their fellow citizens. Hence the new agreement over not wanting to owe or be denied their livelihood is a combined psycho-social spark of rejection.
Public freedom is another founding element of the uprising. Direct and indirect attempts to silence opposing views in the previous months were a clear indication of the authorities’ self-denial that people were, as was the case in 2005, able to stop any process leading towards a police state despite the lack of balance of power in sovereignty. People also made it clear: “As an authoritarian alliance, you can comply with the dictates of the strongest, but rest assured that we will not obey you and will not be with you and when the time comes we will restore our lost sovereignty, then you will have to go away”.
2 – Uprising – Popular movement: translation into practical terms
They converged en masse from the far north to the far south. They occupied places with a clever geographic distribution to make sure that no troublemakers would undermine a totally decentralized movement. There was a unanimous cry for the departure of the rulers and the handing over of the government to specialists, or as an alternative, for a transitional phase in preparation for early parliamentary elections, while emphasizing the need for holding the corrupt accountable and for returning looted money.
The initial translation of the movement into practical terms lies in the clear headlines which will get clearer. Its decisive translation into practical terms requires the formation of an agile, non-hierarchical collective leadership of specialists, to be a serious model of how specialists can meet people’s wishes based on a clear-cut agenda leading the movement towards effective and sustainable goals. An accurate progressive and step-by-step approach is needed while monitoring the caveats of undermining or otherwise containing the movement, and drawing scenarios to face them.
3 – Uprising – The popular movement: caveats of failure and abortion!
The ruling elite has several cards in hand to quash the movement, either by turning it into riots perpetrated by organized groups, by exercising its constitutional right of declaring a state of emergency or by imposing a silent coup d’état with abusive use of force.
There is also a risk of having the movement abort itself unless a crosscutting sectorial group comes together with an integrated initiative as a compass for achieving goals through an array of patterns compounded with the steadfastness of protestors.
This is by no means a panacea. It is rather about listening to the pulse and claims of the people and forging progressive steps towards curbing intimidation, arrogance, and destructive threats on the basis of “cutting off one’s nose to spite one’s face” which may be used by the ruling authority.
In addition to these caveats, the risk is that the movement may accept the logic of ‘either us or the chaos’, expressed at least by those who think they’re leading the country with an iron fist. The academic elites and the media have a founding role in strengthening the immunity of the uprising – movement.
Fighting corruption without restoring sovereignty is an absurd spiral. The basis of sovereignty is one state, one decision and sovereign governance, otherwise, corruption will always prevail.
4 – Uprising – Popular movement: prospects
Lebanon has an unforeseen historic opportunity of doing away with the myth of a silly regime which is stronger than the state which abuses the dignity of citizens. It is difficult to accurately predict the results of this uprising. Nevertheless, it established a number of facts:
First, our apologies to the Lebanese, as we believed that just an elite managed to fly above entrenched sectarianism. The past days proved us wrong. Our apologies for believing that the so-called Lebanese adaptability and resilience was just an excuse not to act or take the responsibility of co-leading the country as it is expected from every citizen.
Secondly, the hijacking of the Shia community by Hezbollah and the non-representativeness of the Shia majority by the Shia duality were evidenced by the uprising. The events in Tyr, Nabatiyeh and other areas showed that thirty years of hegemony by Hezbollah and Iran did not dampen the lebanity nor the patriotism of a major component of the Lebanese society, and that the culture of life was still stronger than the absurd culture of death. Furthermore, the uprising showed that the Sunni community was not a silent but rather an active and influential component. It is not an overstatement to say that the Lebanese Muslims, Shia and Sunni together, are the backbone of the uprising alongside the Christians. Thirdly, the uprising came down like a sentence on a Christian stakeholder claiming to represent the Christian majority. Nothing beats the illusions it spread than the feeling of resentment by the protestors.
Fourth, despite the attempts of dubbing the uprising as an action for claiming rights, though living conditions are still the underlying reason, the Lebanese are deeply convinced that the core origins of the crisis do not lie in arithmetic or rationing, or in budget and taxes, nor could they be overcome by economic policies or reforms. The crisis is structural, political and sovereignty related. It originates in the hegemony of Hezbollah and its allies from all sects and parties over the political and security decisions, and whose aim is to drag Lebanon down a path which goes against its history.
In any event, what happened was by all standards a surprise and an awakening. The vacuum that some are warning against as a result of this movement was already there. The vacuum is not merely the absence of a government, a president or a parliament, but rather an absence of management. The authorities were managing their interests, not the country. However, the specter of fear from illegal weapons and from Hezbollah taking, for the sake of foreign interests, steps against the Lebanese interest is haunting. Here is the danger.
