English LCCC Newsbulletin For Lebanese, Lebanese Related, Global News & Editorials
For  June 16/2026
Compiled & Prepared by: Elias Bejjani
#elias_bejjani_news

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Bible Quotations For today
Woe to the world because of stumbling-blocks! Occasions for stumbling are bound to come, but woe to the one by whom the stumbling-block comes
Holy Gospel of Jesus Christ according to Saint Matthew 18/06-10/:"‘If any of you put a stumbling-block before one of these little ones who believe in me, it would be better for you if a great millstone were fastened around your neck and you were drowned in the depth of the sea. Woe to the world because of stumbling-blocks! Occasions for stumbling are bound to come, but woe to the one by whom the stumbling-block comes! ‘If your hand or your foot causes you to stumble, cut it off and throw it away; it is better for you to enter life maimed or lame than to have two hands or two feet and to be thrown into the eternal fire. And if your eye causes you to stumble, tear it out and throw it away; it is better for you to enter life with one eye than to have two eyes and to be thrown into the hell of fire. ‘Take care that you do not despise one of these little ones; for, I tell you, in heaven their angels continually see the face of my Father in heaven."

Titles For Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News & Editorials published on 15-16 June/2026
Israel remains tasked with eradicating Hezbollah from all of Lebanon, and its army will not withdraw before that/Elias Bejjani/June 15/2026
Gebran Bassil and Walid Jumblatt are enemies of Lebanon and are Trojan-horse mercenaries working for Hezbollah/Elias Bejjani/June 13, 2026
Dhimmi, shortsighted, and ignorant of the concepts of Wilayat al-Faqih is anyone who equates Israel on one hand, with Iran and Hezbollah on the other./Elias Bejjani/June 12/2026
Video link to an interview with Dr. Salah Machnouk from This Is Beirut Youtube Platform
Israel Pushes Beyond ‘Yellow Line’ in Lebanon to Target Hezbollah and Bolster Negotiating Leverage
Minister Says Israel Won’t Withdraw from Occupied Land in Lebanon, Syria and Gaza
US-Iran Deal Leaves Major Lebanon Questions Unresolved
Lebanese Mourn Homes, Livelihoods Destroyed by Israel in Southern City
US-Iran deal to end war signed, US official says; Lebanon remains sticking point
Hezbollah says has repelled an Israeli force in south Lebanon
Lebanon’s Aoun Hopes US-Iran Deal Will Put ‘Definitive End’ to Israel-Hezbollah War
Trump says resolving conflict in Lebanon 'should not be tough'
Berri says phased, 60-day Israel pullout mentioned in Iran-US deal
Netanyahu says Israeli forces to stay in Lebanon, Syria, Gaza 'as long as necessary'
Araghchi stresses 'importance of respecting Lebanon's sovereignty' in call with Aoun
1 killed, many hurt, including reporter, in 3 Israeli attacks on Kfartebnit
In Nabatieh, residents mourn destroyed homes, livelihoods
Hezbollah MP says Iran told them Israeli pullout part of deal
US-Iran deal a 'catastrophe' for Israel, analysts say
Successful Negotiations Depend on the Return of the State/Sam Menassa/Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026

Titles For The Latest English LCCC Miscellaneous Reports And News published on 15-16 June/2026
President Donald Trump, right, meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in the
In US, Trump’s Iran deal receives mixed reception
Trump Arrives with Iran Deal to Meet Wary World Leaders at G7 Summit
Trump Says Iran Deal Has Been Signed, Text to Come Soon
Vance Says Funds Won’t Be Transferred to Iran in Exchange for Signing Deal to Halt War
Iran's Fars News Agency Says Hormuz Maritime Fees Added to US Deal Last Minute
The Iranian Leaders Killed in Israeli-US War
Obama Doubts Trump-Iran Deal Will Make Improvement Over His 2015 Pact
Netanyahu says war with Iran saved Israel from threat of ‘nuclear annihilation’
Israel Concerned about US-Iran Deal but Does Not Want to Anger Trump
Saudi Arabia Welcomes US-Iran Deal to End Military Operations
Arab Parliament Speaker Welcomes US-Iran Agreement
No EU Consensus on Sanctioning Israeli Minister Ben-Gvir, Says Kallas
One Syrian Security Member Killed in ISIS Attack in Raqqa
Egypt Says US-Iran Deal Could Be ‘Turning Point’ for Middle East Peace
Dutch Court Jails ‘Assad Torturer’ for 26 Years for Torture, Rape
Somaliland Opens Embassy in Jerusalem
Israeli fire kills four in Gaza, mediators hold more ceasefire talks

Titles For The Latest English LCCC analysis & editorials from miscellaneous sources published on 15-16 June/2026
The Two-State Fantasy: Europe on Board for Israel’s Destruction/Bassam Tawil/Gatestone Institute/June 15/2026
Iran Wants To Punish Jordan for Hosting U.S. Forces/Ahmad Sharawi and Behnam Ben Taleblu/FDD-Policy Brief/June 15/2026
Trump's Iran Deal: A Strategic Opening/Ahmed Charai/Gatestone Institute/June 15, 2026
G7 summit: US-Iran deal, Mideast stability and global priorities take center stage/Dr. Majid Rafizadeh/Al ASrabiya English/June 15/2026
Which Iran, Which Iraq, and Which Israel?/Ghassan Charbel/Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
Is Defensive Neutrality a Strategy?/Mamoun Fandy/Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
Iran and Us: The Alternative and Al-Badli/Mishary Dhayidi/Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
Lebanon Cannot Carry This Burden Alone …Hezbollah, Iran, and the Question of Sovereignty/By: TONI NISSI – President of the committee for the United Nations security council resolutions on Lebanon
Selected Face Book & X tweets on 15 June/2026

Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News & Editorials published on 15-16 June/2026
Israel remains tasked with eradicating Hezbollah from all of Lebanon, and its army will not withdraw before that
Elias Bejjani/June 15/2026
https://eliasbejjaninews.com/2026/06/155280/
The era of the criminal, terrorist, and theocratic jihadist Hezbollah is over. It should be noted that despite all the illusory Iranian jubilation following the signing of the Iranian-American agreement, Israel remains tasked with eradicating Hezbollah from all of Lebanon, and its army will not withdraw from Lebanon before that. The bluster of the mullahs is empty and nothing but delusions.
Do not believe any leaks about the terms of the US-Iranian agreement currently circulating in Arab media.
Most of these leaks originate from the Iranian Mehr News Agency, known as a propaganda platform for the Iranian regime, and not a reliable source for revealing details of an agreement of this magnitude. Trump has not yet announced all the actual terms and details of the agreement, and there is still a 60-day period during which sensitive and crucial issues will be addressed, most notably:
- The ballistic missile program.
- Support for armed proxies and militias.
- Support for Hezbollah.
- The negotiations between Lebanon and Israel.
- Israel's conditions for withdrawing from southern Lebanon.
Therefore, everything published today about the final and decisive details of the agreement should be treated with extreme caution until the full official statements and documents are released.

Gebran Bassil and Walid Jumblatt are enemies of Lebanon and are Trojan-horse mercenaries working for Hezbollah.
Elias Bejjani/June 13, 2026
Gebran Bassil has been, still is, and will remain tied by the neck and tongue to the humiliating ropes of the Party of Satan (a derogatory reference to Hezbollah). His continued presence as a politician is an insult to free people, the martyrs, and history.
Walid Jumblatt, a man of abandonment and opportunistic transformations—an opportunist, a chameleon, and a submissive figure—is alienated and estranged from the Druze community (Bani Ma‘ruf), their values, pride, patriotism, dignity, and honor.


Dhimmi, shortsighted, and ignorant of the concepts of Wilayat al-Faqih is anyone who equates Israel on one hand, with Iran and Hezbollah on the other.
Elias Bejjani/June 12/2026

https://eliasbejjaninews.com/2026/06/155244/

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tjmYqJxPX9Y
The State of Israel is liberating Lebanon from the occupation of the Iranian and its jihadist Hezbollah, not out of love for Lebanon or the Lebanese, but because Iran and Hezbollah poses an existential threat to its entity and its people… Its interests transitionally align with the interest of Lebanon… Therefore, no equivalence should be made between a liberator (the State of Israel)—despite all its violence and destructive capacity—and a barbaric, jihadist, terrorist, and criminal occupier that destroyed Lebanon, seized its governance, and holds absolute control over its rulers, while hijacking the Shiite community, stripping it of its Lebanese identity, taking it hostage, displacing it, destroying its areas, and killing its youth in the futile wars of the Mullahs. Wisdom, reason, logic, and foresight dictate that all free people of Lebanon and friendly countries should not miss the golden opportunity that Israel offers, but should welcome it and support it by all available means, while at the same time freeing themselves from the complexes, illusions, hallucinations, and daydreams of the Nasserists, the nationalists, the rotten left, and the merchants of the lie of resistance.
Introduction: Defining Friend and Foe (00:00)
Greetings from Canada, Friday, June 12, 2026. Today’s commentary is titled: "Who is the Enemy, Who is the Friend, Who is the Occupier, and Who is the Liberator?"
We must look at this without emotions, illusions, or the outdated ideologies of Pan-Arabism or Political Islam (both Sunni and Shia). Free Lebanese seeking liberation must identify who occupies our country today and who is actually trying to free it.
01:07 | The Danger of Political Islam and the "Wilayat al-Faqih" Project
The true enemy is Political Islam. This includes the Iranian regime’s project—not the Iranian people, but the "Wilayat al-Faqih" system that seeks to export its revolution and impose a dictatorship through proxies like Hezbollah, the Houthis, and the PMF. Simultaneously, Sunni Political Islam, represented by Erdogan’s ambitions in Lebanon and Syria, poses a similar threat. The reality is that Iran and Hezbollah are the ones currently occupying Lebanon.
02:51 | Hezbollah’s Practices and Tunnel Infrastructure
Hezbollah acts as Iran’s "assassination machine." It has turned Lebanon into a honeycomb of tunnels, acting like a "mole" that destroys the land from beneath. From Beirut to the mountains and the South, they have dug tunnels under homes, schools, hospitals, and even historic sites like the Beaufort Castle (Qala'at al-Shaqif). This proves this occupier has no respect for Lebanese heritage or the safety of its citizens.
04:15 | The Shia Community as a Hostage to Iran’s Futile Wars
The Iranian occupier has taken the Shia community hostage, using its youth as "sacrifices" on the altar of the Iranian regime's futile regional wars. These fighters are victims of a project that does not serve Lebanon.
04:39 | Israeli Peace Messages and the Legacy of the Cairo Agreement
The Israeli Prime Minister has recently messaged the Lebanese people, stating they want peace and cooperation, similar to the era before the 1969 Cairo Agreement. That agreement brought chaos by allowing foreign armed groups (Palestinian, then Syrian, then Iranian) to control Lebanon. Now, even Turkey is attempting to exert influence through certain local politicians.
05:28 | Historic Intersection of Interests to Liberate Lebanon
Today, a unique opportunity exists. Israel is not dismantling Hezbollah out of "charity" for Lebanon, but because Hezbollah and Iran pose an existential threat to Israel. However, Israeli interests now perfectly align with the interests of free Lebanese. While Israel uses force, it has shown in the past (such as the 2000 withdrawal) that it has no territorial ambitions in Lebanon. Only those stuck in the past or fueled by the hatred of Political Islam claim otherwise. We must recognize Israel as a liberator from Iranian hegemony.
08:03 | Criticism of "Dhimmi" Politicians, Media, and Clergy
Many "subservient" (Dhimmi) journalists and politicians—products of Syrian and Iranian influence—claim there are "two occupations": Iranian and Israeli. This is false. Israel is acting in self-defense and has stated it wants peace once the Hezbollah threat is removed. Many religious leaders are also criticized here for prioritizing their personal interests over the long-term vision of a free Lebanon.
09:44 | The Error of Demanding Israeli Withdrawal Before Disarmament
It is foolish for Lebanese leaders to demand an Israeli withdrawal while Hezbollah is still armed. If Israel leaves now, who will stop Hezbollah? The current political class is largely compromised or controlled by Hezbollah through fear and manufactured legal files. The President’s recent interviews suggest he is still mentally shackled by the "resistance" culture.
11:20 | Refuting Historical Distortions in President Aoun's Interview
The claim that Hezbollah was merely a "result" of Israeli occupation is a fabrication. Many of Hezbollah's own founders have admitted the group was created as an Iranian military arm to project power to the Mediterranean. Claiming Israel is the "aggressor" ignores the fact that Hezbollah initiated the current conflict to support Gaza and Iran.
13:55 | The Role of Arab States and the "Islamic" vs. "National" Cause
Waiting for the Arab League or other Arab nations to save Lebanon is unrealistic. Most of these countries have already made their own peace deals with Israel (officially or unofficially) to serve their own interests. For Political Islam, the "Palestinian Cause" is a religious issue, not a national one. Lebanon must prioritize its own national interest, which lies in peace and normalization.
14:50 | A Historic Opportunity Through the Abraham Accords
Free Lebanese should view the US-led Abraham Accords and Israel as the path to stability. Our "friends" are those who want peace. Our "enemies" are the Iranian occupiers and those (like certain regional players) who want to keep Lebanon as a "battlefield" for their proxy wars. We have gained nothing from decades of "resistance" slogans except destruction.
18:08 | The Real Distinction: Occupier vs. Liberator and Lebanon’s Future
In summary, we cannot equate Israel with Iran. There is only one occupation (Iran) and one force currently dismantling it (Israel). Israel’s military actions are a reaction to attacks launched from Lebanese soil. A responsible Lebanese official should stop calling for Israeli withdrawal until the existential threat of Hezbollah is completely dismantled. Lebanon’s future depends on being free from both Sunni and Shia Political Islam and joining the regional trend of peace and stability.
Long live Lebanon, freed by its true friends.

رابط فيديو مقابلة بالإنكليزية مع د. صالح المشنوق من موقع "هذه بيروت"/أجرت المقابلة كلوديا كرولنك
Video link to an interview with Dr. Salah Machnouk from This Is Beirut Youtube Platform
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E4BmhYk5IJs

Saleh Machnouk: The Only Obstacle To Peace Between Lebanon and Israel is Iran
 an exclusive interview with This is Beirut, Dr. Saleh Machnouk discusses Lebanon’s path toward sovereignty, Hezbollah’s disarmament, the role of the Lebanese Armed Forces and the prospects for peace with Israel. He argues that the country’s current political moment presents a rare opportunity to redefine Lebanon’s future free from external influence and armed non-state actors.The interview was conducted by Claudia Groeling is a reporter at This is Beirut covering Hezbollah, Lebanese politics, and U.S. policy in the Middle East, with previous experience at The Washington Institute for Near East Policy.

Israel Pushes Beyond ‘Yellow Line’ in Lebanon to Target Hezbollah and Bolster Negotiating Leverage
Paula Astih/Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
Israel’s latest advance beyond the self-declared “Yellow Line” in southern Lebanon has raised questions about whether the expansion is driven solely by military objectives or also reflects broader political calculations, particularly as it coincides with reports of a US-Iran agreement that would include a comprehensive ceasefire in Lebanon.On Saturday, Israeli forces made fresh gains along both the western and eastern fronts beyond the Yellow Line. Troops advanced toward the outskirts of Majdal Zoun following four days of artillery and air strikes, while forces also pushed into Kfartebnit, reaching the approaches to the strategically important Ali al-Taher Heights, which overlook the city of Nabatieh and much of the surrounding region. The “Yellow Line” is the term adopted by the Israeli military in spring 2026 for a belt of territory inside southern Lebanon that it considers a military buffer zone, similar to the model previously employed in Gaza. The zone extends roughly 4 to 10 kilometers into Lebanese territory and encompasses about 55 border towns and villages. Retired Brig. Gen. Mounir Shehadeh said military operations beyond the Yellow Line are concentrated in Kfartebnit, Zawtar al-Sharqiya, Yahmar al-Shaqif, Arnoun, and the Beaufort Castle area. Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Shehadeh argued that Israel is “racing against time” because it believes any US-Iran agreement could force an end to hostilities. As a result, he said, Israel is seeking to advance as far as possible before negotiations begin, allowing it to bargain from a position of strength. He noted a distinction between villages entered by Israeli troops and those brought under operational control. Some communities have been incorporated into what Israel describes as a security zone, where residents are barred from returning and where Israeli forces maintain control through surveillance and firepower, even without a permanent troop presence.
According to Shehadeh, Israeli-controlled areas now extend between 5 and 10 kilometers inside Lebanese territory and include villages whose residents have been prohibited from returning. Israel’s stated goal, Shehadeh underlined, is to push Hezbollah forces farther from its northern border, prevent future cross-border attacks on Galilee communities, destroy military infrastructure and weapons stockpiles, and establish a buffer zone to protect border settlements. Its unstated objectives, however, may be broader. These include creating a new security belt resembling the zone Israel occupied between 1982 and 2000, turning border villages into sparsely populated areas that would make it difficult for Hezbollah to reestablish itself, and securing strategic high ground and transportation corridors. Such gains could provide Israel with significant leverage in future negotiations involving Lebanon and the postwar regional order. For his part, Dr. Riad Kahwaji, defense and security analyst, said Israel is advancing along three separate axes, primarily to eliminate Hezbollah infrastructure, some of it located beyond the Yellow Line.The eastern axis runs from Beaufort Castle through Kfartebnit and the Ali al-Taher Heights, placing Israeli forces in a position overlooking Nabatieh and potentially opening the way toward the Iqlim al-Tuffah region, where Hezbollah is believed to maintain tunnel networks. The central axis stretches north of Bint Jbeil and Tebnine toward Ghandouriyeh in an effort to encircle Wadi al-Hujayr, long regarded as a key defensive zone and another suspected tunnel hub.The western axis centers on Majdal Zoun and extends toward Qlayleh, potentially bringing Israeli forces closer to the approaches of the coastal city of Tyre.

Minister Says Israel Won’t Withdraw from Occupied Land in Lebanon, Syria and Gaza
Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
Israel’s defense minister said Monday that Israel won’t withdraw from land occupied in Lebanon as the interim deal between Iran and the United States is pending. Israel Katz’s remarks were the first official Israeli comments after the announcement of the interim deal. The two sides plan to meet Friday in Geneva to sign it, Pakistan has said. Katz said Israel plans to stay “indefinitely” in lands it holds in Lebanon, as well as Syria and the Gaza Strip. Iran has tied the interim deal over the war to halting Israel’s attacks on Hezbollah in Lebanon. Katz also threatened that if Iran attacks Israel over Israeli strikes in Lebanon, Israel will strike Iran with “great force.” Over the past two and a half years, Israel has taken control of areas in Gaza, Lebanon, and Syria amounting to 1,000 square kilometers (386 square miles) of territory — an area that is slightly smaller than New York City.
'Bad for Israel' -
Meanwhile, two Israeli far-right ministers denounced the deal between the United States and Iran. "Trump's agreement does not bind us... we are not party to this agreement. It does not safeguard our security," National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir said on his Telegram channel. "We must not settle for anything less than the dismantling of Hezbollah. We must not withdraw from a single inch of territory that our soldiers have captured and cleared of terrorist infrastructure," he said. Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich also echoed the sentiment, calling the deal "bad for Israel". "The joint (US-Israel) campaign achieved many successes in weakening Iran, and those achievements have not been in vain," Smotrich said. "We will have to continue the campaign to bring down the regime ourselves, using creative means, and ensure that Iran never acquires nuclear weapons." Smotrich also called for a stronger campaign in Lebanon. "We will be judged in Lebanon. This is our war, our soldiers, and the immediate security of our northern residents," he said. "I will continue working to ensure that we stand firm on our position and allow the Israeli army complete freedom of action to continue pushing Hezbollah farther away." US and Iranian officials said they had reached an agreement to end their war and reopen the Strait of Hormuz, a preliminary pact that sent oil prices falling but leaves the fate of Tehran's nuclear program to further negotiations. While still a framework, the deal marked the biggest breakthrough towards resolving the conflict that has killed thousands and upended energy markets since it began with joint US-Israeli strikes on Iran in February. The precise terms of the deal were not immediately known. Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif said in a post on X that the pact called for "the immediate and permanent termination of military operations on all fronts, including in Lebanon."Lebanon has been a sticking point in negotiations, with Israel and Hezbollah ignoring calls from Trump and others to stop their attacks on each other in recent weeks.
'Dangerous turn' -
Opposition figures also condemned the agreement, criticizing Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's handling of the war and its aftermath. The deal marked a "dangerous turn for Israel's security", said Naftali Bennett, a former prime minister and a leading contender in Israel's upcoming election. "In the past 1,000 days, we have discovered time and again the greatness of our nation and the weakness of the government," he said in a statement. "We have a clear strategic plan to collapse the Iranian regime," said Bennett. "With one hand, we will not allow Iran to break out to a nuclear weapon, and with the other hand, we will bring about the disintegration of the regime through combined diplomatic, intelligence, economic, technological, and military means." Yair Golan, head of the left-wing Democrats Party, argued that the deal effectively wiped out Israel's military gains. "With the stroke of a pen, enormous military achievements -- achieved through the courage of our pilots and the sacrifice of our soldiers -- have been erased, while Netanyahu stood on the sidelines: weak, ill, isolated, and without influence," Golan said in a statement. "Trump is signing an agreement that pours billions into the mullahs' regime, leaves the nuclear infrastructure intact, leaves the ballistic threat unresolved, and provides a lifeline to the murderous regime in Tehran," he added.

US-Iran Deal Leaves Major Lebanon Questions Unresolved
Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
A deal between Washington and Tehran that ends the Israel-Hezbollah war leaves many issues in Lebanon unresolved, failing to mention Israel withdrawing from the country or an end to Tehran's support for the armed group. Under US pressure, Lebanese officials have been holding direct talks with Israel aimed at reaching a separate agreement on ending the hostilities, but Beirut appeared to have been sidelined with the overnight announcement on the regional conflict. AFP looks at the deal and the questions it raises in Lebanon.
- What does the deal involve? -
Details of the agreement to end the Middle East war on all fronts have not been made public, but Iran and mediator Pakistan have both said it includes Lebanon.Hezbollah drew the country into the Middle East war on March 2 with rocket fire at Israel to avenge the killing of Iran's supreme leader in US-Israeli strikes. Israel responded with airstrikes and a ground invasion that Lebanon says have killed more than 3,700 people and displaced more than one million others. An official source told AFP that "Lebanon was not informed of the terms of the agreement or the time of the ceasefire". Influential Lebanese parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, a Hezbollah ally and intermediary for the group, thanked Washington and Tehran for their "insistence on including... an essential and binding clause on halting the Israeli aggression on all of Lebanon". Hezbollah on Monday had so far not claimed any fresh attacks on Israeli targets.
- Israeli withdrawal? -
Information circulating about the deal does not mention any Israeli withdrawal from south Lebanon, and Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz on Monday said forces would remain in the country indefinitely. Karim Bitar, a lecturer in Middle East Studies at the Sciences Po University in Paris, said that "the deal does not seem to involve Israel, which immediately meant that it wasn't a party to it... So it's very unlikely that there will be an Israeli withdrawal from south Lebanon."Israeli forces control a strip of Lebanese territory running along the entire border. A Western military source told AFP that Israeli forces had crossed the Litani River at several points, referring to the waterway running about 30 kilometers (20 miles) from the frontier but closer in some areas. "Tens of thousands of Israeli soldiers" are in south Lebanon where they hold some established positions, the source said, adding that Hezbollah still had a presence there. "It's the biggest invasion since their withdrawal in 2000," the source said, referring to Israel's previous pullout after some two decades of occupation. Hezbollah says it sent reinforcements south of the Litani after the latest war erupted. Under a 2024 ceasefire that followed a previous round of hostilities, Hezbollah fighters were supposed to withdraw from the area.
- What future for Hezbollah? -
Washington has pressured Lebanese authorities to disarm Hezbollah for months, but the accord makes no mention of the group. "Iran doesn't seem to have committed to ending its support and financing for Hezbollah," Bitar said. Military expert Riad Kahwaji said that "Hezbollah will not agree to give up arms... and this crisis will be protracted."He said this could lead to political instability and even unrest, "especially now Hezbollah believes that through Iran it has emerged victorious from this agreement, and therefore is going to try and dictate its terms on who rules."
- Lebanon-Israel negotiations? -
Lebanon and Israel have been holding direct talks in Washington since April, seeking to end the hostilities and to separate Lebanon from the regional war.A new round is scheduled for later this month. Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam said Monday that "we will redouble our efforts" through the Washington negotiations "to secure a full Israeli withdrawal."But after the Iran-US announcement, some cast doubt on the effectiveness of the bilateral negotiations. Bitar said that "Lebanon could find itself once again as a scapegoat that pays the price both of American amateurism, Iranian cynicism, Israeli hubris and... the lack of a clear strategy from its own political class."

Lebanese Mourn Homes, Livelihoods Destroyed by Israel in Southern City

Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
When Kamal Kamal heard a ceasefire deal had been agreed between Iran and the United States, he rushed back to the southern city of Nabatieh only to find an Israeli strike had reduced his life's work to rubble. The city, usually home to some 90,000 people before the latest war between Israel and Hezbollah erupted on March 2, was largely deserted as Israel pressed its military offensive in the area in recent days. Kamal fought back tears as he stared stunned at the pile of rubble that used to be his roastery and warehouse for coffee and other products, after Israel pummeled the region with strikes and issued sweeping evacuation orders. "When I opened it in the seventies, I was still a young man... now nothing is left," he said, leaning heavily on a walking stick and surveying the vast destruction.
"How my life has been spent in vain here!"
The war in Lebanon has been included in the framework deal to end the broader Middle East war.But Lebanon's army on Monday urged displaced residents to delay their return to southern border villages, citing the "risk of Israeli violations and attacks". Iran-backed group Hezbollah issued a similar warning. Yet residents who have cautiously returned to Nabatieh have expressed dismay at the huge damage Israel inflicted on the city's neighborhoods and its famed market, where the roofing had collapsed and shops were devastated. An AFP photographer also saw destruction to homes and businesses in the city, which has served as a hub of economic, social and services activity.
'Sorrow and grief' -
The city's municipality said in a statement that it had asked residents not to return "at the present time under any circumstances", citing the security situation. The Lebanese army had set up a checkpoint at the entrance to the city, advising locals about the roads that they could take as intermittent artillery shelling rang out and smoke rose up. The flow of residents to Nabatieh picked up later in the day, with people inspecting their homes and properties as heavy machinery worked to remove rubble and clear roads. In one heavily damaged neighborhood, Rana Nasrallah surveyed her destroyed home, the rubble strewn with clothes, furniture and pot plants. The 45-year-old had fled with her family to the coastal city of Sidon during the war. "We grew up in this neighborhood. We used to play here as children. And here's where the older women used to sit and chat, the historic Nabatieh market before us... the landmarks that they perhaps wanted to erase," she said. "As soon as the ceasefire was declared and before any official (Lebanese) announcement... we got going and came here. We couldn't wait any longer. "We came to breathe in the scent of our land... even if there are no homes to shelter us and there is no work, still it's a relief for our souls." In the face of the huge damage in Nabatieh and other south Lebanon towns and villages, including where Israeli forces have carried out sweeping demolitions, Nasrallah still expressed hope of returning permanently. "Despite the sorrow and grief at seeing the city destroyed... we are filled with hope that we will rebuild," she said."Not once did we feel defeated or that we would not triumph, or that we would not return to rebuild Nabatieh."

US-Iran deal to end war signed, US official says; Lebanon remains sticking point
AFP/15 June ,2026
The memorandum of understanding aiming to end the war in the Gulf has already been signed by US President Donald Trump, Vice President JD Vance and the speaker of Iran’s parliament who heads its negotiating team, a US official said on Monday. There was no immediate response from Tehran to the report that the agreement, which both sides announced overnight, had already been signed. Previous reports from both sides had suggested it would be signed officially at a ceremony in Geneva on Friday. In an early reminder of the agreement’s fragility, Israel - which launched the war alongside the United States in February and was not consulted on the talks to end it - struck a car with a drone in southern Lebanon, where it has been battling the Iran-aligned Hezbollah movement. Iran has said the deal must bring a full cessation of hostilities there. The terms of the memorandum of understanding, reached after more than two months of negotiations, have yet to be published. The US official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said he expected the terms would be made public in the next 24-48 hours. Oil prices tumbled on the prospect of an end to disruption to global energy supplies, and share prices soared, some hitting new records. Trump, who had earlier said the blockaded Strait of Hormuz would be open on Friday, said on Monday that ships had already begun transiting it. However, the US military told shippers it had not yet lifted its blockade of Iranian ports.
60-day negotiation period
According to accounts from both sides, the agreement would reopen the blockaded strait and extend a ceasefire for a 60-day negotiation period, when contentious issues such as the future of Iran’s nuclear program are due to be decided. Vance, speaking to CBS News, said the deal could ultimately end with Iran being given access to a reconstruction fund of up to $300 billion, funded by its Gulf Arab neighbors, provided it fulfills promises to give up nuclear material. Meanwhile, the immediate fate of the pact could hinge on Lebanon, where Israel has been battling the Iran-aligned Hezbollah armed group in parallel with the wider war that it launched alongside the United States against Iran in February. Iran has said the preliminary agreement requires a cessation of hostilities on all fronts, including in Lebanon. Israel, which was not consulted on the preliminary deal, has said it reserves the right to act in Lebanon against Hezbollah threats. Security sources said fighting in southern Lebanon had tamped down on Monday after the agreement was announced but had not ceased entirely. In the first strike of its kind since the announcement, an Israeli drone struck a car in the southern Lebanese town of Kfar Tebnit, killing the driver, Lebanese state media reported. There was no immediate comment from the Israeli military on the strike.
Lebanon has been a sticking point
While the US and Iran had largely ceased hostilities in early April, fighting has not ceased in Lebanon, where Hezbollah opened fire on Israel in support of Tehran on March 2 and Israel responded with an air campaign and ground invasion that has uprooted some 1.2 million people. Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi said there must be a complete halt to Israeli attacks against Lebanon and wrote on Telegram that the US bears responsibility for implementing the framework deal. Hezbollah welcomed the deal and said the inclusion of Lebanon reflected Iran’s commitment to securing a halt to the war and preserving Lebanon’s rights. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has yet to respond publicly to the US-Iran agreement. But Defense Minister Israel Katz said that Israel would remain “indefinitely” in areas it is occupying in southern Lebanon to eliminate what it perceives as militant threats.
Privately, Israeli officials’ views of the deal have been negative. One senior Israeli official told Reuters on condition of anonymity that the agreement was “terrible for Israel,” and that this assessment was shared throughout the government from Netanyahu on down. The reopening of the Strait of Hormuz would help solve a global energy crisis precipitated by the war, which has hurt Trump’s political fortunes by forcing up gasoline prices in the United States. “Ships of the World, start your engines. Let the oil flow!” he wrote on Sunday.
On Monday he announced: “Ships are starting to move, many loaded up with Oil, out of the Strait of Hormuz.”

Hezbollah says has repelled an Israeli force in south Lebanon

AFP/15 June ,2026
Lebanese militant group Hezbollah said on Monday it had repelled an Israeli force that was trying to “advance” in southern Lebanon, despite the US-Iran agreement to end the Middle East war on all fronts including in Lebanon. Fighters from the group “using rockets and drones” blocked an Israeli force consisting of an excavator and two Merkava tanks that was “advancing” in the vicinity of Kfar Tebnit town near the southern city of Nabatieh, Hezbollah said in a statement. Earlier on Monday, an Israeli drone targeted a car in the same area “killing its driver,” Lebanon’s National News Agency (NNA) reported, marking the first reported deadly strike since the agreement was announced. Details of the agreement to end the Middle East war on all fronts have not been made public, but Iran and mediator Pakistan have both said it includes Lebanon. Hezbollah drew the country into the Middle East war on March 2 with rocket fire at Israel to avenge the killing of Iran’s supreme leader in US-Israeli strikes.Israel responded with airstrikes and a ground invasion that Lebanon says have killed more than 3,700 people and displaced more than one million others. An official source told AFP that “Lebanon was not informed of the terms of the agreement or the time of the ceasefire.”

Lebanon’s Aoun Hopes US-Iran Deal Will Put ‘Definitive End’ to Israel-Hezbollah War
Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun on Monday expressed hope that a deal between Washington and Tehran to end the Middle East war would put a "definitive end" to the conflict between Israel and Hezbollah. In a statement issued by his office, Aoun praised the memorandum's affirmation that "Lebanon's security and safety are an integral part of any effort to consolidate stability in the region".The Lebanese people "look forward to these understandings transforming into practical steps that put a definitive end to the cycle of violence and establish a phase of stability, security, recovery and reconstruction," the statement added. Israel’s defense minister said Monday that Israel won’t withdraw from land occupied in Lebanon as the interim deal between Iran and the United States is pending. Katz said Israel plans to stay “indefinitely” in lands it holds in Lebanon, as well as Syria and the Gaza Strip.Iran has tied the interim deal over the war to halting Israel’s attacks on Hezbollah in Lebanon. Meanwhile, two Israeli far-right ministers denounced the deal. "We must not settle for anything less than the dismantling of Hezbollah. We must not withdraw from a single inch of territory that our soldiers have captured and cleared of terrorist infrastructure," National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir said on his Telegram channel said. Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich also echoed the sentiment, calling the deal "bad for Israel". He also called for a stronger campaign in Lebanon. "We will be judged in Lebanon. This is our war, our soldiers, and the immediate security of our northern residents," he said.

Trump says resolving conflict in Lebanon 'should not be tough'
Naharnet//June 15/2026
U.S. President Donald Trump on Monday hinted that he wants to put an end to the Israel-Hezbollah conflict. "We do wanna see if we can straighten out the Lebanon thing, because it just seems to just never end, and it's a mini version of what we were doing, but it should not be tough ... Hezbollah -- we have to have a little talk with them," Trump said in remarks to the press at the G7 summit in France. Israel carried out three drone strikes in south Lebanon and opened artillery fire at several towns on Monday despite a U.S.-Iran deal announced overnight that calls for ending the war on all fronts, including in Lebanon.
The Israeli attacks prompted Hezbollah to retaliate by firing rockets and drones at Israeli forces occupying parts of south Lebanon. Several previous ceasefires had also failed to halt the fighting between the two sides.

Berri says phased, 60-day Israel pullout mentioned in Iran-US deal
Naharnet/June 15/2026
Speaker Nabih Berri revealed Monday that a phased, 60-day Israeli withdrawal from south Lebanon is mentioned in the latest peace deal between Iran and the U.S., whose details are yet to be officially disclosed. In remarks to the "Whyz" news portal, Berri added that he rejects the so-called "pilot zones" that have been recently proposed by Washington. "Lebanon consists of 24 districts, not 24 pilot zones," he said. Pilot zones are areas from which Israel would withdraw its forces to be replaced by Lebanese troops who would clear the area of any weapons belonging to nonstate actors. Asked what guarantees that Israel would implement the terms of any agreement, Berri said: "This agreement is bigger than Lebanon and its implementation cannot be flouted as happened in the 2024 agreement, because U.S. President Donald Trump has take it upon himself."

Netanyahu says Israeli forces to stay in Lebanon, Syria, Gaza 'as long as necessary'
Agence France Presse/June 15/2026
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said on Monday that Israel's forces would remain in Gaza, Lebanon and Syria "for as long as necessary," hours after a deal was announced between Iran and the U.S. to end the Middle East war. "We established deep security zones around the State of Israel. We did this in Gaza, in Lebanon, and in Syria," Netanyahu said in a televised press conference. "And I want to make it clear: we will remain in these security zones for as long as necessary to protect our country."Netanyahu also noted that Israel has seized control of strategic areas in south Lebanon and that Hezbollah "only retains 8% of its 150,000 rockets." Boasting that Israel had killed Hezbollah's historic leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, Netanyahu told the Israeli public opinion that the army also prevented Hezbollah from invading the Galilee.

Araghchi stresses 'importance of respecting Lebanon's sovereignty' in call with Aoun
Agence France Presse
President Joseph Aoun on Monday welcomed the announced U.S.-Iran deal to end the Middle East war during a call from Tehran's top diplomat and foreign minister Abbas Araghchi, the Lebanese presidency said in a statement. The Lebanese leader said he hoped the agreement would be a "positive step towards reducing tensions and opening the door to diplomatic solutions," while Araghchi emphasized "the importance of respecting Lebanon's sovereignty and territorial integrity by all parties," the statement said.

1 killed, many hurt, including reporter, in 3 Israeli attacks on Kfartebnit
Naharnet/June 15/2026
An Israeli drone targeted Monday a car in the southern town of Kfartebnit near the Israeli-designated "Yellow Line", where Israeli troops remain despite the announcement of a U.S.-Iran deal. The strike killed the car's driver. Another drone strike on a car earlier in the day had wounded several people in the same town. An Israeli shell meanwhile landed near Lebanese reporter Hadi Hoteit, also in Kfartebnit, wounding him in the leg. Israeli figures slammed on Monday the deal between the United States and Iran to end the Middle East war, including in Lebanon, saying it would not protect their country's security.
Israeli media meanwhile reported that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has told U.S. President Donald Trump that Israel will not withdraw from its current positions in Lebanon and does not consider itself bound by the Lebanese clause in the emerging U.S.-Iran agreement.
Israeli artillery shelled Kfartebnit and Nabatiyeh al-Fawqa on Monday, while Hezbollah has not claimed any attacks since the announcement of the deal. The army on Monday urged displaced residents to delay their return to southern border villages."The army command emphasizes the need for residents to delay returning to southern border villages and towns, and to adhere to instructions of the deployed army units, in order to safeguard their safety from the risk of Israeli violations and attacks," a statement said. Since early Monday, displaced citizens were seen cautiously returning to several south Lebanon areas where Israeli forces are not present, while drones were flying at low altitude over south Lebanon and Beirut.

In Nabatieh, residents mourn destroyed homes, livelihoods

Agence France Presse/June 15/2026
When Kamal Kamal heard a ceasefire deal had been agreed between Iran and the United States, he rushed back to the southern city of Nabatieh only to find an Israeli strike had reduced his life's work to rubble. The city, usually home to some 90,000 people before the latest war between Israel and Hezbollah erupted on March 2, was largely deserted as Israel pressed its military offensive in the area in recent days. Kamal fought back tears as he stared stunned at the pile of rubble that used to be his roastery and warehouse for coffee and other products, after Israel pummelled the region with strikes and issued sweeping evacuation orders. "When I opened it in the seventies, I was still a young man... now nothing is left," he said, leaning heavily on a walking stick and surveying the vast destruction. "How my life has been spent in vain here!"The war in Lebanon has been included in the framework deal to end the broader Middle East war. But Lebanon's army on Monday urged displaced residents to delay their return to southern border villages, citing the "risk of Israeli violations and attacks".
Hezbollah issued a similar warning.
Yet residents who have cautiously returned to Nabatieh have expressed dismay at the huge damage Israel inflicted on the city's neighborhoods and its famed market, where the roofing had collapsed and shops were devastated. An AFP photographer also saw destruction to homes and businesses in the city, which has served as a hub of economic, social and services activity.
'Sorrow and grief' -
The city's municipality said in a statement that it had asked residents not to return "at the present time under any circumstances", citing the security situation. The Lebanese Army had set up a checkpoint at the entrance to the city, advising locals about the roads that they could take as intermittent artillery shelling rang out and smoke rose up. The flow of residents to Nabatieh picked up later in the day, with people inspecting their homes and properties as heavy machinery worked to remove rubble and clear roads. In one heavily damaged neighborhood, Rana Nasrallah surveyed her destroyed home, the rubble strewn with clothes, furniture and pot plants.The 45-year-old had fled with her family to the coastal city of Sidon during the war. "We grew up in this neighborhood. We used to play here as children. And here's where the older women used to sit and chat, the historic Nabatieh market before us... the landmarks that they perhaps wanted to erase," she said. "As soon as the ceasefire was declared and before any official (Lebanese) announcement... we got going and came here. We couldn't wait any longer."We came to breathe in the scent of our land... even if there are no homes to shelter us and there is no work, still it's a relief for our souls."
In the face of the huge damage in Nabatieh and other south Lebanon towns and villages, including where Israeli forces have carried out sweeping demolitions, Nasrallah still expressed hope of returning permanently. "Despite the sorrow and grief at seeing the city destroyed... we are filled with hope that we will rebuild," she said. "Not once did we feel defeated or that we would not triumph, or that we would not return to rebuild Nabatieh."

Hezbollah MP says Iran told them Israeli pullout part of deal
Naharnet/June 15/2026
MP Hussein al-Hajj Hassan on Monday said that Hezbollah and Speaker Nabih Berri have been informed by Iran that Israeli withdrawal is included within the "framework of the agreement" with the U.S. and that "its details will be discussed soon.""If the Israeli army does not withdraw, we will have a stance then," Hajj Hassan added, in an interview with Al-Jadeed TV, emphasizing that Hezbollah does not recognize any Israeli-drawn lines. Addressing residents displaced from south Lebanon, the MP said: "Be patient; we will return with our heads held high."He added that a joint statement will be issued by Hezbollah and the Amal Movement once a safe return is possible. Earlier in the day, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said that Israel does not intend to withdraw from the so-called security zones in Lebanon, Gaza and Syria.

US-Iran deal a 'catastrophe' for Israel, analysts say
Agence France Presse/June 15/2026
The U.S.-Iran agreement to conclude the Middle East war is a significant strategic setback for Israel and underscores its waning influence in Washington, Israeli analysts said. Although the accord, announced by Pakistan early Monday, remains incomplete and is expected to be finalized within 60 days, its preliminary framework has already raised concern in Israel. Analysts argue it effectively locks in Iranian gains while deferring the most sensitive issue for Israel: its security. According to former intelligence officer Danny Citrinowicz, this means the U.S.-Iran deal amounts to nothing less than a "political and security catastrophe for the State of Israel".It is also a blow to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who once hoped to sail into October elections as the victor in campaigns against Hamas, Hezbollah and Tehran -- but instead is under fire for failing to attain Israel's key war aims. "We knew for quite a long time that it was going to be an agreement that will take into account most of the interests of the Iranians," said Sima Shine, an analyst with Israel's Institute for National Security Studies (INSS). "The issues that are important to Israel, such as the nuclear one, are left for some future that we don't know," said Shine, also a former Israeli intelligence officer. The U.S. and Israel launched a joint campaign against Iran on February 28, with Netanyahu hoping to topple the Islamic republic and dismantle its nuclear and ballistic missile programs, seen by him as "existential threats".Beyond leaving the nuclear question unresolved, Citrinowicz said the result of the conflict makes it unlikely that any future U.S. president would risk renewed military action against Iran. This, analysts say, effectively allows Tehran to emerge stronger after more than three months of conflict."At the end of the day, Iran is becoming stronger, and Israel has no ability to influence the U.S. president's decisions," Citrinowicz argued.
'Mr Iran
U.S. President Donald Trump excoriated Netanyahu for launching attacks in Lebanon that threatened to derail the final agreement just hours before it was announced. "He's a very difficult guy," Trump said of Netanyahu, "and to be honest with you, he should be very thankful to us for doing this. Because if Iran had a nuclear weapon, Israel wouldn't be around for two hours."Netanyahu has yet to publicly respond to the deal, but his coalition ally, National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir, has already dismissed it, saying Israel is "not bound" by the agreement. "It's a very, very, very bad development for Israel, and for Netanyahu specifically, who was, you know, Mr. Iran," said Citrinowicz, referring to Netanyahu's long history of antagonism with the Islamic republic. "Mr Iran is stuck with a deal that covers almost none of the issues that are important to Israel," he said.
'Weak leverage'-
While analysts are not surprised by Israel's absence from the negotiations, they said they are struck by what they see as its eroding influence in Washington. "Israel never played a direct role in U.S.-Iran negotiations, but simply weighed on the talks through DC," said Michael Horowitz, an independent security analyst and expert on U.S.-Israeli relations."But what's surprising, and hints at Israel's fading influence in Washington, is that Trump seems to simply have dashed Israel's concerns," he added. "Not only did Trump ignore Israel, he effectively decided for Israel and without consulting or even warning it. We're seeing who is in charge and who gets the final say here."Michael Milshtein, an expert on Israeli military affairs, said the agreement leaves Israel in a weaker position than before the war on all fronts. "The only thing that Israel can do is to say, 'OK, we accept the ceasefire, but let us have a say on the details of the deal, especially the nuclear project'," Milshtein said."Netanyahu brought us to a point of very weak leverage," he added, arguing that Israel has limited influence over both Washington and broader diplomatic processes. "It seems that right now we are forced to accept any agreement with Iran, for example, but I assess very soon also with Lebanon and finally with Gaza," he said, referring to two other theatres where Israeli forces are operating

Successful Negotiations Depend on the Return of the State
Sam Menassa/Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
In Lebanon, debate is widening over the usefulness of continuing direct negotiations with Israel. One political camp rejects them outright, while another calls for withdrawing from them, arguing that they are futile in light of continued Israeli attacks and incursions and the renewed targeting of Beirut’s southern suburbs.Hezbollah, meanwhile, refuses to accept Israel’s terms and believes that Israel is using negotiations as diplomatic cover to continue military pressure and impose new facts on the ground. In contrast, another camp insists on the need to continue the talks, not because it trusts Israel’s intentions, but because negotiations constitute the only tool available to Lebanon in the face of international and Israeli pressure, and because withdrawing from them would give Israel an opportunity to portray itself as a party seeking a solution in contrast to a Lebanese state unwilling to engage in dialogue.
The dispute between the two camps conceals an embarrassing dilemma: what negotiating cards does the Lebanese state actually possess? The state finds itself in an exceptional negotiating position. It is not negotiating to end a war it fought, nor over weapons under its control, but rather over a conflict between Israel and Hezbollah, at a time when the government considers the group’s security and military activities to be outside the bounds of legitimacy and insists that decisions of war and peace must rest exclusively with the state. As a result, the negotiations have become an attempt to address the consequences of a reality beyond the state’s control. The paradox becomes even more complicated when the principal party is not actually participating in the negotiations, but instead rejects them and adheres to an entirely different approach. How can a state negotiate over security and political arrangements that it alone lacks the ability to guarantee? And how can any agreement succeed if one of the parties concerned does not recognize the process that produced it in the first place?
Nevertheless, withdrawing from the negotiations could be a political mistake no less serious than their limited results. Lebanon is not negotiating because it possesses exceptional leverage, but because it faces issues that cannot be addressed except through a negotiating process. First, there are the consequences of the war, including destruction, displacement, and economic losses, which require measures that would allow residents to return and reconstruction to begin. Second, there is the issue of the land border and disputed points, a matter that cannot be resolved through military force alone. There is also an urgent need for security and political arrangements following the cessation of hostilities.
Alongside these considerations, negotiations constitute one of the few remaining channels linking Lebanon to the United States and the Gulf states involved in efforts to consolidate stability. Withdrawing from them could be interpreted as the state abandoning its responsibilities or being unable to keep pace with ongoing diplomatic efforts. In this sense, Lebanon is not negotiating only with Israel; it is also negotiating over its place in the regional order taking shape after the decline of Iranian influence in the Levant, unless US-Iranian negotiations produce the opposite outcome.
Betting on the negotiations’ definitive failure may be premature. Understandings often begin as fragile arrangements before evolving into more stable realities. From this perspective, the idea of a “model zone,” despite the ambiguities surrounding it, may provide an opportunity to return residents to their areas and create a margin of stability that prevents a return to war. Its success, however, remains contingent on the Lebanese state’s ability to exercise effective authority there and on Israel’s willingness to respect its commitments, neither of which has yet been demonstrated. Nor can one rule out a potentially helpful factor: the possibility of political changes within Israel itself that could produce a more moderate government and one less inclined toward military options.
However, continuing negotiations should not become the state’s sole policy or a substitute for building its internal sources of strength. The real battle is not being fought only at the negotiating table, but also within state institutions. What is required, alongside any negotiating track, is the return of the state to areas untouched by the war and to those outside the party’s control before extending across all of Lebanon; strengthening the army and security forces; and dismantling networks of influence within official institutions that have enabled the existence of a parallel state within the state for decades.
Equally important is the launch of a new national approach, backed by genuine Arab and international support, toward Hezbollah’s social base with the aim of freeing it from the party’s control and domination. Such an approach should be based on political inclusion rather than isolation, and on partnership rather than confrontation. The restoration of the state’s role cannot be achieved through conflict with a major Lebanese constituency. Rather, it requires providing a political and institutional alternative that reconnects citizens with the state as the sole authority for protection, representation, and services.
The main problem may not lie in the negotiations themselves, but in the belief that they alone can produce a solution. They may address an immediate challenge, namely the ongoing war. They may reduce risks and provide diplomatic cover for the state. But they cannot remedy the structural imbalance that led Lebanon into war without a state decision and left it unable to impose peace afterward. Unless the state succeeds in restoring its effective monopoly over sovereignty, arms, and decision-making, Lebanon will not benefit from these negotiations, and they will remain merely an attempt to manage an open-ended crisis rather than bring it to an end.

The Latest English LCCC Miscellaneous Reports And News published on 15-16 June/2026
President Donald Trump, right, meets with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in the

Reuters/15 June ,2026
Benjamin Netanyahu bet that his joint war alongside US President Donald Trump would topple Iran’s clerical rulers and bolster himself ahead of elections at home, as the architect of a US-Israeli alliance that would reshape the Middle East. Instead, Israel’s longest-serving prime minister is on a collision course with Trump as the US president seeks to extricate himself from the war, with both men’s goals unmet and Israeli military operations tied down in Lebanon. For now, Israeli officials have been cautious in public for fear of angering their most important ally, known for being prickly towards critics. But in private conversations, the frustration is clear. The preliminary agreement is “terrible for Israel,” said one senior Israeli official, giving a frank assessment on condition of anonymity. “And there is no one in the Israeli leadership who views it otherwise, from the prime minister to the chief of staff.”Washington says that over the next 60 days, when a ceasefire is in place, it will negotiate full terms that will address US and Israeli concerns, especially over Iran’s nuclear program. But Israeli officials told Reuters they thought the negotiating period under the deal was likely to be extended, tying Israel’s hands from taking military action, while its concerns remain unresolved. Netanyahu and Trump have repeatedly clashed over Israel’s refusal to constrain its pursuit of Iran-backed Hezbollah in Lebanon, where a cessation of hostilities is a key Iranian demand. At the start of the month, Trump described Netanyahu as “fucking crazy” in an angry phone call, ordering him not to strike Beirut while the US was seeking a deal with Iran.
Netanyahu called off attacks that day, but struck Beirut’s southern suburbs a week later, provoking Iranian missile strikes on Israel and a public rebuke of both sides from Trump. Hours before the US and Iran announced their interim deal, Israel hit the Lebanese capital again on Sunday, after rockets were launched at Israel from Lebanon, fire Trump described as “small and meaningless.”Netanyahu said that Israel has emerged “strong and steady,” with a leadership that stands firm and wise. At a press conference in Jerusalem late on Monday, he acknowledged that he and Trump have sometimes had their differences. “He is the president of the United States, I am the prime minister of Israel. We many times see eye-to-eye and there are times when we see eye-to-eye less so. I am in charge of Israel’s security interests,” Netanyahu said.
Netanyahu, facing autumn elections he is projected to lose, may be more willing to defy Trump as he contends with an Israeli public that opinion polls show has grown skeptical of the US president’s commitment to Israel’s security. “This is a pretty stark moment of divergence of interests,” said Dan Shapiro, a former US ambassador to Israel under the Obama administration, now with the Atlantic Council think tank. “He will try to not openly oppose (the deal), so as not to get into a brawl with Trump,” said Shapiro. “But he will indicate Israel is not bound by it, and Israel reserves its rights.”
Israel says it’s not bound by US-Iran pact
The memorandum of understanding between the US and Iran is expected to be signed on Friday in Switzerland. While precise terms were not immediately known, mediator Pakistan said the pact called for a permanent halt to military operations on all fronts, including in Lebanon. Netanyahu said that Israel would keep its forces in southern Lebanon and maintain “freedom of action” against Hezbollah attacks. “Iran wanted us to withdraw from it but I stood firm,” he told reporters. “We are keeping our freedom of action and we are keeping the security zone to protect (Israel’s) northern citizens,” he said. The interim deal would reopen the Strait of Hormuz oil chokepoint while leaving the fate of Tehran’s nuclear program to be resolved during a 60-day negotiation period towards a final deal. Two other issues that Netanyahu and Trump had both declared as justifications for the war at its outset - curbing Iran’s missile program and ending its support for regional armed groups - are not thought to be on the agenda during those talks. Three Israeli officials said Israel sees it as very likely the 60-day pact will be extended to 90 days, with the US maintaining its deployment of military assets in the region as it negotiates a broader deal. Two other Israeli officials said that Israel was caught by surprise last week when Trump first said that a deal with Iran was close. They acknowledged that Israel has had little success in influencing the talks. All of the officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they weren’t authorized to speak publicly.
Netanyahu unable to sell this agreement to Israeli public, analyst says
Netanyahu, who often clashed with Washington under the administrations of Democrats Barack Obama and Joe Biden, has long portrayed himself to the Israeli public as being uniquely adept in dealing with the Republican Trump. During Trump’s first term, Israel secured major policy changes from Washington, which moved its embassy to Jerusalem and backed the Abraham Accords that brought Israel formal diplomatic ties with the UAE and Bahrain. On Iran, Trump ditched a nuclear agreement negotiated under Obama that Israel had long complained was too soft. During elections in 2019, Netanyahu displayed massive campaign billboards in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem showing him and Trump smiling and shaking hands. But now, the US-Iran pact undermines Netanyahu’s case that a close relationship with Trump sets him apart from other candidates for prime minister, said Jonathan Rynhold, a political scientist at Bar-Ilan University, near Tel Aviv. “(Netanyahu) will be unable to sell this agreement to the Israeli public,” Rynhold said. “The best that he can hope for is that they fail to reach an agreement and the war restarts to Israel’s advantage in 60 days.”According to a poll released on Friday by the Israel Democracy Institute, just 41 percent of Jewish Israelis think their security is a central consideration for Trump, down from 64 percent in March. Eli Cohen, Netanyahu’s energy minister, said that Israel would be prepared to act alone if Iran rebuilds its nuclear and missile capabilities, though he said the chances of Tehran taking that step during Trump’s tenure were low. “If Iran tries to renew its nuclear and ballistic missile programs - we will be there and act,” Cohen told Israel’s public broadcaster Kan. Read more: US-Iran deal to end war signed, US official says; Lebanon remains sticking point

In US, Trump’s Iran deal receives mixed reception
AFP/16 June ,2026
US President Donald Trump can claim a diplomatic victory after reaching an agreement with Iran to end the war in the Middle East, but numerous pitfalls remain and he has lost political capital. The cautious reception to the Sunday announcement of the memorandum of understanding with Iran -- scheduled to be signed in Geneva on Friday -- reflects prevailing skepticism at a time when the war is unpopular due to the soaring oil prices and inflation it has caused. The deal ends nearly four months of conflict, paving the way for negotiations on Iran’s nuclear program and the lifting of sanctions.It effectively extends the current ceasefire by 60 days and provides for the opening of the Strait of Hormuz -- a strategic artery for oil and gas shipments -- before the start of what promise to be extremely sensitive negotiations. Launched on February 28 by the United States and Israel, the war has set the Middle East on fire and caused thousands of deaths -- mainly in Iran and Lebanon -- and destabilized global trade.Thirteen US troops were also killed during the conflict. Trump, who initially said the war would last four to six weeks, has faced mounting pressure at home to extricate the United States from the conflict ahead of midterm elections in November. While close allies immediately hailed him as the “president of peace,” reactions have been mixed, even within his Republican party. “I am somewhat concerned that Iran’s view of the agreement seems different than what the American negotiating team is claiming,” said Republican Senator Lindsay Graham, a staunch opponent of Tehran, adding: “Any nuclear deal with Iran will be sent to Congress for review and a vote.”Senator John Cornyn, another Republican, reposted a message on X from conservative commentator Pastor John Hagee that said: “No deal is better than a bad deal.” Senator Chris Murphy, a member of the opposition Democrats, questioned whether a final agreement will be reached. “But if there is, two things will be true at the same time: a) It’s essentially surrender to Iran. b) We should be glad about it, because every day this insane, illegal war continues, we get weaker,” he said.
‘Not the final word’
Senior Trump administration officials have sought to defend the deal, which Washington ostensibly launched with the aim of preventing Iran from eventually acquiring a nuclear weapon. US Vice President JD Vance said Monday on ABC’s “Good Morning America” that once the text is released, “everybody will see... that Iran doesn’t get a dime of money unless they perform their obligations.”Larry Sabato, a political scientist and University of Virginia professor, said that “this is not the final word, they have loads of details to argue over, maybe even for years.” “This was a completely unnecessary war that has accomplished very little and cost a lot,” Sabato told AFP. He pointed out that Trump -- whose approval ratings are at an all-time low -- has lost political capital, including within the Republican-controlled Congress and among supporters. As for whether a new deal would effectively amount to a return to the original 2015 agreement that President Barack Obama negotiated and Trump tore up during his first term, that question remains unanswered. Obama, a Democrat, said on ABC’s “This Week” that “it is doubtful that any agreement that arises is going to be significantly different or a significant improvement from the deal that we had in the first place.” The agreement “worked for a long stretch of time before” Trump pulled out, he said. For Wendy Sherman, one of the main negotiators of the 2015 deal, “this probably will turn out somewhat similar.”But “we’re in a very different place, however, because we did not have virtually 1,000 pounds of 60-percent highly enriched uranium, which is quite concerning, nor all of the other problems,” she told ABC’s Martha Raddatz. “I can assure you, they will not get all of this done in 60 days,” Sherman added.

Trump Arrives with Iran Deal to Meet Wary World Leaders at G7 Summit

Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
US President Donald Trump joined global leaders on Monday at the Group of Seven summit at a French lakeside resort, where relief over a deal to end the Iran war was tempered by unease over new US tariff threats aimed at France. Trump was met at the G7 summit in Evian-les-Bains by Emmanuel Macron's chief of protocol ahead of a bilateral meeting with the French president. According to a prior planning document, Macron had been due to welcome Trump himself. "Everything is very nice, thank you," Trump told reporters as he arrived, just hours after securing a preliminary deal with Iran that is one of several issues G7 leaders will wrestle with during the June 15 to 17 summit.They will also seek common ground on the war in Ukraine, tackling global economic imbalances and sourcing critical minerals outside of the dominant supplier China.
LEADERS WARY OF TRUMP
Global leaders are increasingly wary of the United States and, underscoring the tensions, Trump told ‌the New York Post ‌before leaving for France he would "have no choice" but to apply 100% tariffs on French wine ‌unless Paris ⁠eliminates its digital ⁠tax on US tech giants.
Then, in a social media post just before arriving at the summit, he turned to a subject that has been a regular source of tension with centrist European allies: immigration. "Sadly, if you import people from Third World Countries, you quickly become a Third World Country — And there's not a thing you can do about it," he wrote. Trump's tariff threats come ahead of a summit that serves as the diplomatic culmination of Macron's second and final term and represent a blow for the unpopular French president. Macron, who steps down next year, is increasingly seen as a lame duck at home but still has pull on a global stage. He was able to get Trump to agree to a glitzy ⁠dinner at the Palace of Versailles on Wednesday to mark 250 years of US independence. Macron told ‌TF1 that France would not yield to Trump's threats, adding, "tariffs don't do anyone any good, ‌especially tariffs between G7 countries."
TRUMP REMAINS UNPREDICTABLE
Trump's comments on tariffs and immigration underline why he is viewed as a volatile partner by other G7 leaders. Many ‌of them have been directly impacted by unilateral Trump decisions that have upended the Middle East, global trade and diplomacy, and prompted ‌deeper soul-searching over the US commitment to the post-war global order it helped establish. During the summit, Trump is due to meet Middle Eastern leaders and attend a working session with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy. The Tuesday meeting comes as Russian advances in Ukraine have slowed and Ukraine seeks more military funding from its allies, amid a barrage of attacks on Kyiv."This attack only strengthens our determination to do everything, with our allies and partners, to work towards a ceasefire that ‌Russia stubbornly refuses, then to peace. We will work on it at the G7," Macron said in a post on X. Zelenskiy said on Monday he had offered to meet Russia's President Vladimir ⁠Putin at the G7 summit ⁠for talks to end their more than four-year-old war, but Putin was not ready to speak.
Zelenskiy's hand has improved since Trump famously told him in the Oval Office last year: "You don't have the cards." But he may find greater US support elusive as Trump prioritizes drawing a line under the Iran conflict, which has dented his support domestically.
DETAILS OF IRAN DEAL
G7 leaders will be keen to learn the details of the US-Iran deal. A memorandum of understanding is scheduled to be signed on Friday in Switzerland but precise terms are unclear. Trump said the Strait of Hormuz, a major shipping route for global oil and gas supplies that Iran has effectively shut down, would open on Friday, and that he had ordered the end of the US blockade of Iranian ports. France and Britain have been working on a military plan to send a mission to the region that would help open the Strait, although that would depend on Tehran's green light. The leaders are not expected to have detailed discussions of what should be done, assuming the deal is signed, with Iran's highly enriched uranium, its ballistic program or frozen Iranian assets. These issues will entail complex, technical negotiations. At the summit, Macron also wants to push for action on global macroeconomic imbalances. But Trump's warning on tariffs may cause some friction, particularly as French officials had said the digital tax would not be an issue for the G7.

Trump Says Iran Deal Has Been Signed, Text to Come Soon
Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
US President Donald Trump on Monday said an agreement with Iran has been signed and that the text of the deal would be released sometime after a formal signing on Friday, adding that the Strait of Hormuz would also be fully open. Speaking alongside ‌French President ‌Emmanuel Macron ahead of this ‌week's ⁠G7 meeting, Trump ⁠said he did not know if he would attend the Friday ceremony expected in Geneva, but that US Vice President JD Vance would be there. "The deal's all signed. ⁠And the strait is ‌already partially opened, ‌as you know," Trump told reporters shortly ‌after arriving in Evian, France. "On Friday, ‌it'll be completely open."Vance earlier on Monday said the agreement had been signed digitally on Sunday and that no funds ‌were released. Asked when the text of the memorandum of ⁠understanding ⁠would be made public, Trump said: "Probably pretty soon. I would say after sometime after Friday... I think sometime in the very near future."Trump said any sanctions relief for Tehran was "really a behavioral thing. If they do what they're supposed to do, that starts taking effect."There was no immediate response from Tehran to the report that the agreement, which both sides announced overnight, had already been signed. Previous reports from both sides had suggested it would be signed officially at a ceremony in Geneva on Friday. In an early reminder of the agreement's fragility, Israel - which launched the war alongside the United States in February and was not consulted on the talks to end it - struck a car with a drone in southern Lebanon, where it has been battling the Iran-aligned Hezbollah movement. Iran has said the deal must bring a full cessation of hostilities there. The terms of the memorandum of understanding, reached after more ‌than two months of ‌negotiations, have yet to be published. A US official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said ‌he expected ⁠the terms would ⁠be made public in the next 24-48 hours. Oil prices tumbled on the prospect of an end to disruption to global energy supplies, and share prices soared, some hitting new records. Trump, who had earlier said the blockaded Strait of Hormuz would be open on Friday, said on Monday that ships had already begun transiting it. However, the US military told shippers it had not yet lifted its blockade of Iranian ports.
60-DAY NEGOTIATION PERIOD
According to accounts from both sides, the agreement would reopen the blockaded strait and extend a ceasefire for a 60-day negotiation period, when contentious issues such as the future of Iran's nuclear program are due to be decided. Meanwhile, ‌the immediate fate of the pact could hinge on Lebanon, where Israel has been battling the Iran-aligned Hezbollah armed group in parallel with the wider ‌war that it launched alongside the United States against Iran in February. Iran has said the preliminary agreement requires a cessation of ‌hostilities on all fronts, including in Lebanon. Israel, which was not consulted on the preliminary deal, has said it reserves the right to act in Lebanon against Hezbollah threats. Security sources said fighting in southern Lebanon had tamped down on Monday after the agreement was announced but had not ceased entirely. In the first strike of its kind since the announcement, an Israeli drone struck a car in the southern Lebanese town of Kfar Tebnit, killing the ‌driver, Lebanese state media reported. There was no immediate comment from the Israeli military on the strike.
LEBANON HAS BEEN A STICKING POINT
While the US and Iran had largely ceased hostilities ⁠in early April, fighting has not ceased ⁠in Lebanon, where Hezbollah opened fire on Israel in support of Tehran on March 2 and Israel responded with an air campaign and ground invasion that has uprooted some 1.2 million people. Iran's Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi said there must be a complete halt to Israeli attacks against Lebanon and wrote on Telegram that the US bears responsibility for implementing the framework deal. Hezbollah welcomed the deal and said the inclusion of Lebanon reflected Iran's commitment to securing a halt to the war and preserving Lebanon's rights. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has yet to respond publicly to the US-Iran agreement. But Defense Minister Israel Katz said that Israel would remain "indefinitely" in areas it is occupying in southern Lebanon to eliminate what it perceives as militant threats. Privately, Israeli officials' views of the deal have been negative. One senior Israeli official told Reuters on condition of anonymity that the agreement was "terrible for Israel," and that this assessment was shared throughout the government from Netanyahu on down.  The reopening of the Strait of Hormuz would help solve a global energy crisis precipitated by the war, which has hurt Trump's political fortunes by forcing up gasoline prices in the United States. "Ships of the World, start your engines. Let the oil flow!" he wrote on Sunday.
On Monday he announced: "Ships are starting to move, many loaded up with Oil, out of the Strait of Hormuz."

Vance Says Funds Won’t Be Transferred to Iran in Exchange for Signing Deal to Halt War

Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
US Vice President JD Vance said on Monday that no funds would be released to Iran in exchange for signing an agreement to halt the war and open the Strait of Hormuz and that text of the framework deal would be shared this week. In an interview on ABC's "Good Morning America" program, Vance said signing the memorandum of understanding with Iran, expected to take place in Switzerland on Friday, would not trigger the release of frozen assets. Vance said the agreement was already signed digitally on Sunday and no funds were released.
"There's been no money released, and that won't change," ‌he said. Vance said ‌Iran would receive money only if it took verified steps ‌to ⁠eliminate its stockpile ⁠of highly enriched uranium. "If we see the Iranians making, for example, taking action to eliminate their stockpile of enriched material, then yes, sanctions relief will follow. If we see the Iranians taking action to allow the kind of verification regime that we need to see to know that they're not going to build a nuclear weapon, yes, sanctions relief will follow," he said. "If they don't ⁠do the right things, if they don't allow the verification ‌regime, they're never going to have ‌the money to rebuild their nuclear program to begin with."In an interview on CNBC on ‌Monday, Vance also said the United States expects the economically vital waterway ‌would be open without tolls. "Our expectation is that the Strait is going to be opened in a toll-free way for the long-term," he said. "That's the sort of thing that we're going to figure out in these technical negotiations. You know that there ‌are a lot of very important details to figure out that we're actually going to sit at the table ⁠and discuss together ⁠and figure out a path forward."The US and Iran said they had agreed terms to end their war and reopen the strait, news that brought relief to markets, although the pact may hinge on an end to hostilities in Lebanon and defers talks on Tehran's nuclear program. While still a framework, the deal marked the biggest breakthrough toward resolving the conflict that has killed thousands and upended energy markets since it began with joint US-Israeli strikes on Iran in February. Vance told CNBC that Iran's foreign minister and House speaker will represent Iran at the signing in Switzerland on Friday and many details of the deal are still to be sorted out. He did not say who would represent the US at the signing.

Iran's Fars News Agency Says Hormuz Maritime Fees Added to US Deal Last Minute
Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
Iran's Fars news agency said on Monday, quoting what it said was an informed source, that Tehran added a clause on imposing maritime service fees to the framework deal with the United States shortly before its announcement. "In the final moments of the negotiations, the text of the memorandum of understanding was amended to clearly and explicitly emphasize the issue of the Iranian-Omani sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz," said Fars, citing the unidentified source. "The use of the term 'maritime services' means that the United States has accepted that fees will be paid to Iran," it added.

The Iranian Leaders Killed in Israeli-US War
Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
Over the course of the US-Israeli war on Iran, waves of airstrikes killed an entire echelon of the Iranian republic's political and military elite, starting with supreme leader Ali Khamenei. President Donald Trump had claimed in March that the campaign had achieved "regime change", but Iran showed resilience in rapidly replacing killed leaders and keeping up the war against the US and Israel. With Washington and Tehran agreeing on a deal announced Monday to halt the conflict, here is a recap of some of the key figures killed in the war:
- Supreme leader Ali Khamenei -
Khamenei, Iran's number one since 1989, was killed in the first hour of the war on February 28 in a strike on a meeting of senior officials in Tehran that also left his daughter-in-law, daughter and at least one grandchild dead, according to reports.
His low-profile son Mojtaba survived -- although reportedly with injuries -- and took over as supreme leader. He has yet to make a public appearance. Ali Khamenei has yet to be buried, with state media reporting on Saturday that his funeral will take place on July 9 in his hometown, the northeastern city of Mashhad, following three days of funeral ceremonies in Tehran and another in the holy city of Qom.
- Security chief Ali Larijani -
The killing of Larijani, who despite not being a cleric was a pillar of the system for decades, was likely the biggest loss to the Iranian republic after the death of Ali Khamenei. Larijani was killed on March 17 in an Israeli strike, reportedly in the Tehran region and which also killed family members.The previous week, he had defiantly walked in public in Tehran at a pro-government rally.
- Revolutionary Guards chief Mohammad Pakpour -
Pakpour, previously head of the Guards' ground forces, took over as commander-in-chief in June 2025 after his predecessor Hossein Salami was killed in Israel's 12-day war against Iran. He was killed on the first day of the war and has been replaced by former interior and defense minister Ahmad Vahidi.
- Guards naval chief Alireza Tangsiri -
A veteran of the 1980-1988 Iran-Iraq war, Tangsiri was one of the longest-serving senior figures in the Revolutionary Guards as the head of its navy since 2018 and one of its highest-profile faces within the Iranian republic. Israel's defense minister described him as the "man who was directly responsible for the terrorist operation of mining and blocking the Strait of Hormuz".
- Adviser Ali Shamkhani -
Shamkhani, a mainstay of the Iranian republic's armed forces since the 1980s, was killed in an airstrike on the first day of the war. He was given a public funeral in Tehran's Tajrish Square.
He had been severely wounded, and initially reported dead, in a strike during Israel's June war against Iran but later re-emerged.
- Intelligence Minister Esmail Khatib -
A cleric, Khatib was killed by an Israeli strike in Tehran early on March 18.
As Iran's intelligence minister since 2021, he was accused by rights groups of playing a key role in the suppression of protests.
- Defense Minister Aziz Nasirzadeh -
A veteran of the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s, Nasirzadeh had served as defense minister since 2024.
He was also killed in a strike on the first day of the war.
- Basij commander Gholamreza Soleimani -
Soleimani headed the Basij, a volunteer paramilitary group that is a branch of the Revolutionary Guards and notorious among rights groups for suppressing protests.
He was killed in an airstrike on March 17.
- Guards spokesman Ali Mohammad Naini -
Naini was killed in March in what the Guards described as a "cowardly" attack by the United States and Israel.
Just before his death was confirmed, the Fars news agency issued a statement quoting Naini as saying Iran's missile production deserved a "perfect score" and was continuing despite the war.
- Head of military office Mohammad Shirazi -
Killed on the opening day of the war, Shirazi had the crucial job of coordinating between the various branches of the Iranian security forces at the office of supreme leader.
- Armed forces chief Abdolrahim Mousavi -
Mousavi, killed on the first day of the war, had only taken up his post -- a senior position that coordinates between the Guards and the regular army -- in June 2025 following the death of his predecessor Mohammad Bagheri in the 12-day war.

Obama Doubts Trump-Iran Deal Will Make Improvement Over His 2015 Pact
Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
Former US President Barack Obama said it was unrealistic to expect that any deal between US President Donald Trump and Tehran would mark a “significant improvement” over his own nuclear pact 11 years ago. In interview excerpts released Sunday on ABC News talk show “This Week,” the former President also suggested it was better to negotiate a deal that falls short of all of Washington's requirements in order to avoid an outright war. “It is doubtful that any agreement that arises is going to be significantly different or a significant improvement from the deal that we had in the first place,” Obama said, referring to 2015's landmark pact that Trump abandoned, according to AFP. Obama added that his own deal “had worked for a long stretch of time before... the United States pulled out of it.”
US and Israeli forces sparked the Middle East war in late February when they launched strikes against Iran. For months, Trump has bandied about a potential peace deal with the Iranian republic.The US President has stressed the deal would forever block Iran's ability to produce a nuclear weapon and would lead to the immediate opening of the blockaded Strait of Hormuz. According to Obama, the troubled progress of a new US-Iran deal is a reminder that Washington can not “just bully our way or bomb our way to solutions” instead of engaging in comprehensive diplomacy. “You'd think we would have learned that lesson by now,” Obama said. On Monday, US and Iranian officials said they had agreed on a framework to end their war, halt the US blockade of Iran and reopen the Strait of Hormuz, a preliminary pact that sent oil prices falling but leaves the fate of Iran's nuclear program to further negotiations. “The Deal with the Islamic Republic of Iran is now complete,” Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform around ‌5:30 pm ET local time in Washington (2130 GMT) on Sunday. His post came shortly after Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, whose country has served as a mediator, announced a deal had been struck early on Monday local time, according to Reuters. The memorandum of understanding is scheduled to be officially signed on Friday in Switzerland. Before the deal was announced, a senior Iranian official told Reuters that, ⁠under the terms of the draft, the US would agree to release $25 billion of frozen Iranian assets. The Trump administration has previously said any release of Iranian money would only take place once Iran has fulfilled certain conditions under a peace deal. A US official, also speaking before the announcement, said the agreement would ultimately lead to the dismantling of Iran's nuclear program, with its stockpile of highly enriched uranium to be destroyed and removed. The senior Iranian official said the draft deal would allow Iran, which denies seeking a nuclear bomb, to dilute its enriched uranium inside the country.

Netanyahu says war with Iran saved Israel from threat of ‘nuclear annihilation’

Al Arabiya English/15 June ,2026
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Monday that the joint US-Israeli military campaign against Iran had spared his country from what he described as Tehran’s threat of “nuclear annihilation.”“The most important thing is that we saved the State of Israel from the threat of nuclear annihilation,” Netanyahu said, in what were his first comments after Washington and Tehran agreed to a deal to end the Middle East war. “And what would that mean? It would mean that millions of Israeli citizens – you who are hearing me now – all of you would have been in terrible danger of mass death... And we have pushed away from us, for years, this danger of the annihilation of Israel’s population,” Netanyahu said in a televised press conference. Netanyahu said Israeli forces would remain in Gaza, Lebanon and Syria “for as long as necessary,” hours after a deal was announced between Iran and the US to end the Middle East war. “We established deep security zones around the State of Israel. We did this in Gaza, in Lebanon, and in Syria,” Netanyahu said. “And I want to make it clear: we will remain in these security zones for as long as necessary to protect our country.”He added that he intended to run in elections scheduled for later this year, as he faced domestic criticism over his handling of the Middle East war and its aftermath. “I am going to run in the elections and intend to win,” Netanyahu said. With AFP

Israel Concerned about US-Iran Deal but Does Not Want to Anger Trump

Tel Aviv: Nazir Magally/Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
While Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been forced to praise the US-Iran deal and to choose words that appease US President Donald Trump, Israeli military and political officials expressed deep concern over the emerging agreement, likely to be officially signed next Friday. Israeli officials fear the deal may fail to eliminate the threats posed by Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile programs and could also restrict Israel's freedom of action against Hezbollah in Lebanon. Officials said Israel cannot return to the reality before the October 7, 2023, attack, when it says its hands were tied while threats built up along its borders. Current Israeli government officials have said little about the Trump-Iran understanding, apparently for fear of upsetting the US leader. Instead, the Israeli military leaked statements on behalf of a “senior military source” expressing concern about the cessation of operations in Lebanon. Israeli officials said the text of the agreement remains “an enigma,” not explicitly speaking about the dismantling of the Iranian nuclear program, the obliteration of Iran’s ballistic missile arsenal and production capacity, and Iran’s ability to connect itself to its proxies. They listed Israel’s five main problems with the proposal: First, there are no clear answers regarding the treatment of Iran’s stockpile of enriched uranium, and not enough curbs on Iran’s nuclear program. Second, the text of the deal does not clearly mention Iran’s intention to stop the production of ballistic missiles.Third, the key unresolved question is how much funds Iran will receive. A compromise has been reached: Iran will not receive cash, but will be able to purchase medicine and food using frozen funds. The Americans insist that frozen assets will not be released before the uranium stockpiles are addressed, but that issue will be negotiated later. Fourth, the deal lays out no clear mechanism for forcing Iran to halt its support for its proxy forces, including Hezbollah, the Houthis and Hamas. Fifth, Israel had not been a party to the Trump administration’s negotiations with Iran and is being left out of the potential peace. Yedioth Ahronoth quoted a senior Israeli official saying on Saturday evening that the agreement expected to be signed between the United States and Iran is “not a good deal,” warning that Israel has little ability to influence the process despite the direct impact it could have on its security.The official said the deal would be followed by negotiations expected to last 60 days. The resources Iran would receive during the roughly two months of negotiations and afterward could, at least in theory, allow the regime to rebuild its nuclear project and its ballistic missile program. The newspaper said the American president is acting according to his own political and US interests. “The frequent calls between Netanyahu and Trump appear to have only marginal influence. Israel is not only failing to shape the talks, it also does not really know what is happening inside them,” it wrote. Trump and Netanyahu spoke by phone about the emerging deal with Iran, according to the Prime Minister’s Office. In a statement that intended to downplay the significance of the potential agreement, Netanyahu’s office said the two spoke about “the emerging memorandum of understanding with Iran regarding entry into negotiations.”In the conversation, Netanyahu expressed a rather optimistic take on an agreement, according to his office. “Although Israel is not a party to the memorandum of understanding,” his office said, “the prime minister expressed his appreciation for President Trump’s commitment that the final agreement reached at the conclusion of the negotiations will include the removal of enriched material, the dismantling of enrichment infrastructure, limitations on missile production, and the cessation of Iran’s support for its terrorist proxies in the region.”

Saudi Arabia Welcomes US-Iran Deal to End Military Operations

Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
Saudi Arabia welcomed on Monday the agreement reached between the United States and Iran to end their military operations and kick off 60-day negotiations to reach a lasting deal. A Foreign Ministry statement said the Kingdom hailed the mediation led by Pakistan and Qatar, praising at the same time the US and Iran’s receptiveness to those efforts that helped lead to the agreement. It stressed the importance of restoring security and freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz to the way they were before February 28 when the war erupted, saying they were essential for regional security and ensuring the movement of global trade and energy. Saudi Arabia hoped the upcoming negotiations would achieve lasting peace that would consolidate regional and global security through understandings that take into account the region’s security interests and consolidate respect for the sovereignty of nations and non-interference in their internal affairs.

Arab Parliament Speaker Welcomes US-Iran Agreement

Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
Arab Parliament Speaker Mohammed Al-Yamahi welcomed the preliminary agreement reached between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran, describing it as a positive step toward de-escalating tensions in the region and enhancing security and stability at the regional and international levels, SPA reported. In a statement today, Al-Yamahi praised the efforts of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and all regional and international parties that contributed to bridging viewpoints and supporting the diplomatic endeavors that led to this agreement, emphasizing the importance of dialogue and diplomacy in promoting regional security and stability. He stressed that any final and permanent agreement must take into account the security interests of Arab states, foremost among them the Arab Gulf states, and be based on respect for sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs.Al-Yamahi reaffirmed the Arab Parliament's support for all peaceful initiatives aimed at resolving disputes through dialogue and negotiation in accordance with international law and the UN Charter.

No EU Consensus on Sanctioning Israeli Minister Ben-Gvir, Says Kallas

Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
The EU's top diplomat, Kaja Kallas, said Monday there is no unanimity in the bloc to impose sanctions on far-right Israeli national security minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, despite pressure from several countries."Many member states have also proposed to sanction Minister Ben-Gvir, but no consensus on that was reached today," Kallas said after a meeting of EU foreign ministers in Luxembourg. Calls to blacklist Ben-Gvir grew after he published video last month of himself mocking bound activists seized by Israeli soldiers on a Gaza-bound aid flotilla.
France in response banned Ben-Gvir from entering the country and called for the EU to impose bloc-wide sanctions. EU sanctions have to be signed off by all the 27 member states and staunch supporters of Israel had refused to go along with the push.
Meanwhile, Kallas said that the EU would also look to lay out options for restricting trade with Israeli settlements after calls from some countries. "On the issue of trade with illegal settlements, many member states called for proposals from the European Commission," she said. She said she would ask the EU's executive to prepare "a list of options for possible trade measures" ahead of a next meeting of EU foreign ministers in July. Israel has occupied the West Bank since 1967 and since then settlement expansion has been a policy under successive Israeli governments. But it has accelerated significantly under the current coalition government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.Excluding east Jerusalem, more than 500,000 Israelis now live in the West Bank in settlements that are illegal under international law, among some three million Palestinians.

One Syrian Security Member Killed in ISIS Attack in Raqqa
Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
Syria's Interior Ministry said on Monday that one of its security personnel had been killed as its forces thwarted an attack by two ISIS militants on a command headquarters of the country's internal security forces in the city of Raqqa. According to a ministry statement, two suicide attackers attempted to storm the facility. Security ‌personnel engaged the pair, ‌neutralizing one of them, ‌while ⁠the second detonated ⁠an explosive vest after being surrounded. Three security personnel were also wounded in the attack, the statement added. Earlier, the Syrian state news agency had cited the Interior Ministry's spokesperson as saying that preliminary information indicated at least ⁠two ministry personnel were killed in ‌a suicide attack on ‌a ministry camp in Raqqa. In February, ISIS ‌declared a new phase of operations against ‌the government of President Ahmed al-Sharaa and has since carried out a spate of attacks, including one that killed four Syrian security personnel near ‌Raqqa. Last year, Sharaa's government joined the US-led coalition fighting ISIS. At the peak of its power during the Syrian civil war a decade ago, ISIS controlled around a quarter or more of Syria, before being driven out of the territory by a US-led coalition and other foes.

Egypt Says US-Iran Deal Could Be ‘Turning Point’ for Middle East Peace

Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
Egypt welcomed Monday an agreement announced by the United States and Iran to end the Middle East war, saying it could be a "turning point" for peace in the region. The US and Iran said they reached a deal to end the war on all fronts including Lebanon, and to reopen the vital Strait of Hormuz, though they offered little indication on the thorny question of Tehran's nuclear program. "Egypt welcomes the agreement reached between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran, considering it a highly significant development that will restore security and stability at both the regional and international levels," Cairo's foreign ministry said. Egypt, it said, "hopes that this agreement will constitute a major turning point toward strengthening mutual trust, laying new foundations for cooperation, creating a supportive environment for peace and advancing diplomatic efforts aimed at addressing remaining regional issues".

Dutch Court Jails ‘Assad Torturer’ for 26 Years for Torture, Rape
Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
A Dutch court Monday sentenced a Syrian man to 26 years in jail for the torture and rape of opponents of former president Bashar al-Assad during the country's civil war. The 58-year-old man, identified as Rafik A., was head of the interrogation unit of the National Defense Force (NDF) in the western Syrian city of Salamiyah in 2013 and 2014. The paramilitary NDF violently suppressed dissent against the Assad regime and imprisoned and tortured opponents.The court said victims were "handcuffed and blindfolded, beaten with various objects and kicked for prolonged periods, folded up inside a car tire, hung upside down, or electrocuted, often being forced to be naked."A. was also found guilty of sexually abusing multiple victims and raping one of them, the court said. "Time and again, the suspect created conditions of mortal terror, threat, pain, hopelessness and powerlessness," said the court in The Hague. He was convicted of 19 counts of crimes against humanity against eight victims.The court said the sentence was justified by "the exceptional gravity of the offences and the suffering of the victims". It was the first time anyone had been tried in the Netherlands for sexual violence as a crime against humanity. A. arrived in the Netherlands in 2021 and won temporary asylum, settling in the central town of Druten with his family. Police arrested him shortly afterwards following a tip.During his trial, A. denied the charges against him which he dismissed as a "conspiracy". His lawyers said A. himself was tortured by militias and is suffering from post-traumatic stress syndrome.Several European countries are trying suspects from the Syrian civil war under the legal tool of universal jurisdiction, allowing judges to rule on alleged serious crimes committed abroad. Similar cases have been heard in France, Germany, Sweden, Belgium and Austria.

Somaliland Opens Embassy in Jerusalem
Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
Somaliland opened its embassy in Jerusalem on Monday, Israel's foreign ministry announced, months after Israel became the first country to recognize the breakaway African state's independence. "Honored to host my dear friend President @Abdirahmanirro at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, during his historic State Visit to open Somaliland's embassy in Jerusalem," Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar posted on X, during the first-ever state visit of President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi. "I'm proud of the privilege I had to write the first pages in the story of the Israel-Somaliland relationship," Saar added. Somaliland is the eighth country to open its embassy in Jerusalem, following the United States, Guatemala, Honduras, Kosovo, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay and Fiji. Most foreign diplomatic missions to Israel are located in Tel Aviv, as the status of Jerusalem is one of the thorniest issues in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. In December, Israel became the first country to recognize the independence of Somaliland since it declared its autonomy from Somalia in 1991 following a civil war.

Israeli fire kills four in Gaza, mediators hold more ceasefire talks

Reuters/15 June ,2026
Israeli strikes and gunfire killed at least four Palestinians in Gaza on Monday, health officials said, as mediators prepared for further ceasefire talks in Cairo to safeguard a U.S.-brokered peace plan for the tiny war-ravaged Palestinian enclave. Medics said an Israeli airstrike killed a woman in the town of Zawayda in the central Gaza Strip, while another strike killed one person in the nearby Nuseirat refugee camp. Later on Monday, an Israeli airstrike targeted the rooftop of a building in Gaza City, killing two people, a medic and his son, health officials said. The Israeli military said it killed two Hamas militants in separate strikes in the Gaza Strip. It said the militants were planning to carry out attacks against Israeli troops, without providing further details. The violence comes as Nikolay Mladenov, U.S. President Donald Trump’s Board of Peace envoy for Gaza, was expected to arrive in Cairo later on Monday, sources close to the mediation effort said, a day after Hamas delivered its response to a 15-point blueprint he had presented to them in recent weeks. The sources said Hamas and other factions had agreed on all the points except Hamas disarmament, which the group links to Israeli withdrawal and a political track to negotiate Palestinian statehood. An October 2025 truce brokered by Trump has failed to halt Israeli attacks in Gaza or to secure the disarmament of Hamas militants.
Deadlock
Israel and Hamas remain deadlocked over how to proceed with the next stage of Trump’s Gaza plan, which involves Hamas laying down its arms and Israeli withdrawals.
Hamas said on Monday that leaders of Palestinian factions who held discussions with mediators — Egypt, Qatar and Turkey — over the past week in Cairo had stressed the need for Israel to “fully and unconditionally comply with the terms of the ceasefire agreement, in its entirety and without fragmentation”. Hamas blames the absence of a full agreement to end the Gaza conflict on Israel’s refusal to fulfil first-phase obligations agreed in October, which halted major fighting but did not end Israeli attacks. Israel says its strikes are intended to thwart imminent attacks by Hamas and other militants. Israeli strikes in Gaza have killed more than 990 people since the truce, health officials say, while Israel says four soldiers have been killed by militants in that period. Israel insists Hamas must disarm, cede power in Gaza and play no role in the future of the enclave. Israel still occupies more than half of Gaza, where it has ordered residents out and demolished remaining structures. Nearly the entire population of more than 2 million Palestinians now lives in a narrow strip along the coast, mainly in tents and damaged buildings, under Hamas’ de facto control.

The Latest LCCC analysis & editorials from miscellaneous sources published on 15-16 June/2026
The Two-State Fantasy: Europe on Board for Israel’s Destruction
Bassam Tawil/Gatestone Institute/June 15/2026
Why would any country — especially one smaller than Maricopa County, Arizona — allow anywhere near it, let alone on its border, a barbaric, homicidal state, committed to its destruction? Would Luxembourg, or even France, welcome Al-Qaeda or Islamic State on its border?
Such a hostile state, dedicated to Israel’s destruction, would pose an existential threat to its neighbor and massively destabilize the region. Perhaps that is why the Europeans are advocating it?
Is the actual wish to help the Palestinians “finish the job” Hitler started while they, the Europeans, sipping their claret, can pretend to appear as righteous and just?
If the Gaza Strip, after Israel’s withdrawal, became a launching pad for terrorism, why should anyone believe that a Palestinian state in the West Bank would be any different?
As US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee noted last year: “If France is really so determined to see a Palestinian state, I have a suggestion for them–carve out a piece of the French Riviera.”
Even now, a year after Abbas promised French President Emmanuel Macron that he would hold presidential and parliamentary elections, no elections have taken place…. Macron publicly welcomed it as evidence that the Palestinian Authority was committed to reform and democratic renewal.
One year later, there are no elections, no timetable, and no meaningful reforms.
As Palestinians would no doubt have elected the terrorist organization Hamas, perhaps it is for the best that elections have not taken place. Abbas can plainly see that he would be have been committing himself and his Palestinian Authority to a sumptuous, permanent retirement.
Palestinian leaders fear being branded traitors by their own people if they accept compromise with Israel. They have preferred to reject the Israeli proposals rather than explain to their people that peace requires difficult concessions – chiefly, giving up their dream of obliterating Israel.
At the same time, Palestinian leaders have failed — deliberately, one assumes — to prepare Palestinians for peaceful coexistence with Israel. Instead of promoting reconciliation, many Palestinian leaders continue to pay and glorify terrorists, incite hatred and teach generations of Palestinians that Israel has no right to exist.
Hamas, for its part, squarely rejects any disarmament plan or peace process. Hamas does not seek a Palestinian state living alongside Israel. Hamas seeks a Palestinian state replacing Israel.
That goal appears to be what the Paris conference was really about.
The conflict is not fundamentally about the absence of a Palestinian state. It is about the refusal of many Palestinians, as well as Iran and its terror proxies, to accept the existence of Israel within any borders. The Europeans, pressing for an openly warmongering Palestinian state, apparently agree.
The entire goal of these supposed “friends” of Trump in “helping” him has been to make sure that Iran’s regime survives to try to eliminate Israel after Trump leaves office.
Sadly, the Paris conference could have made a meaningful, constructive contribution. It could have called on Palestinians to renounce terrorism, end incitement, and recognize Israel’s right to exist. It could have insisted on genuine reform and elections inside the Palestinian political system.
France and other Western countries are free to continue promoting the two-state solution. Before doing so, however, they should answer a few basic questions: Who will govern the Palestinian state? How will Hamas be prevented from taking over and attacking Israel “time and again until it is annihilated,” as it has vowed to do? How will Iran be prevented from again turning the Gaza Strip into a forward operating base against Israel? What guarantees will be provided that October 7 will not be repeated from the West Bank hills overlooking Israel’s major population centers?
As US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee noted last year: “If France is really so determined to see a Palestinian state, I have a suggestion for them–carve out a piece of the French Riviera.”
Nearly three years after the Hamas-led October 7, 2023 massacre in Israel, many Western governments and diplomats remain trapped in a dangerous fantasy: the belief that creating a Palestinian state will bring peace to the Middle East.
The latest example is France’s international conference in Paris, where foreign ministers, activists, and self-appointed peace advocates gathered this month to revive the two-state solution and promote the establishment of a Palestinian state.
The conference is detached from reality. Why would any country — especially one smaller than Maricopa County, Arizona — allow anywhere near it, let alone on its border, a barbaric, homicidal state, committed to its destruction? Would Luxembourg, or even France, welcome Al-Qaeda or Islamic State on its border?
It is astonishing that after October 7, anyone can still argue that a Palestinian state under current circumstances would enhance peace and security. The opposite is true. Such a hostile state, dedicated to Israel’s destruction, would pose an existential threat to its neighbor and massively destabilize the region. Perhaps that is why the Europeans are advocating it?
Is it possible that the organizers of the Paris conference appear to have learned from October 7 that possibly Israel might be able to be destroyed — and are now, over wine and frisée, hoping to call into existence a 21st century Wehrmacht (Nazi Germany’s armed forces)?
Is the actual wish to help the Palestinians “finish the job” Hitler started while they, the Europeans, sipping their claret, can pretend to appear as righteous and just?
The Gaza Strip, home to two million Palestinians, already served as a test case for Palestinian self-rule. After Israel removed every soldier and Jewish civilian from the Gaza Strip in 2005, Palestinians received an opportunity to build foundations of a future state. Instead of focusing on economic development, institution-building, and peaceful coexistence, the Iran-backed Hamas seized control of the territory in 2007 and transformed it into a base for jihad (holy war) against Israel.
Billions of dollars in international aid flowed into the Gaza Strip. Much of the money, however, was diverted to digging tunnels, manufacturing rockets, and creating a military infrastructure designed for one purpose: the destruction of Israel.
The result was October 7, when thousands of Hamas terrorists crossed the border from the Gaza Strip and carried out the worst massacre of Jews since the Holocaust. They murdered, raped, kidnapped, and tortured hundreds of Israeli civilians and foreign nationals. Their objective was not to improve living conditions or advance Palestinian statehood. Their objective was to eliminate Israel.
If the Gaza Strip, after Israel’s withdrawal, became a launching pad for terrorism, why should anyone believe that a Palestinian state in the West Bank would be any different?
As US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee noted last year: “If France is really so determined to see a Palestinian state, I have a suggestion for them–carve out a piece of the French Riviera.”
The reality is that Hamas would almost certainly emerge as the dominant force in any future Palestinian state.
The Palestinian Authority (PA), which currently controls parts of the West Bank, is weak, corrupt, and deeply unpopular among its own people. Countless public opinion polls have shown that a majority of Palestinians want PA President Mahmoud Abbas to resign.
The PA has lost much of its legitimacy because of financial and administrative corruption, mismanagement, and its inability to improve the lives of ordinary Palestinians.
Even now, a year after Abbas promised French President Emmanuel Macron that he would hold presidential and parliamentary elections, no elections have taken place. Abbas made the promise in June 2025. Macron publicly welcomed it as evidence that the Palestinian Authority was committed to reform and democratic renewal.
One year later, there are no elections, no timetable, and no meaningful reforms.
As Palestinians would no doubt have elected the terrorist organization Hamas, perhaps it is for the best that elections have not taken place. Abbas can plainly see that he would be have been committing himself and his Palestinian Authority to a sumptuous, permanent retirement.
Instead of democratic renewal, Palestinians have witnessed further stagnation and growing concerns about succession politics inside Abbas’s ruling Fatah faction.
The failure to implement even the most basic democratic commitments raises an unavoidable question: How can Western governments speak about Palestinian statehood when the Palestinian leadership has failed to fulfill promises it voluntarily made just a year earlier.
The truth — which Macron and the other Europeans would have had to work hard not to know — is that Palestinian leaders have repeatedly rejected opportunities to establish a state. Over the past quarter century, Israel presented far-reaching proposals that would have resulted in the creation of an independent Palestinian state.
Yasser Arafat did not accept the offer made by Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak at Camp David in 2000.
Abbas did not accept the proposal presented by Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert in 2008.
Both proposals offered the Palestinians more than 90% of the West Bank, all of the Gaza Strip, and Palestinian control over large parts of east Jerusalem.
Palestinian leaders fear being branded traitors by their own people if they accept compromise with Israel. They have preferred to reject the Israeli proposals rather than explain to their people that peace requires difficult concessions – chiefly, giving up their dream of obliterating Israel.
At the same time, Palestinian leaders have failed — deliberately, one assumes — to prepare Palestinians for peaceful coexistence with Israel. Instead of promoting reconciliation, many Palestinian leaders continue to pay and glorify terrorists, incite hatred (such as here, here and here), and teach generations of Palestinians that Israel has no right to exist.
Hamas, for its part, squarely rejects any disarmament plan or peace process. Hamas does not seek a Palestinian state living alongside Israel. Hamas seeks a Palestinian state replacing Israel.
That goal appears to be what the Paris conference was really about.
The participants spoke as if the conflict revolves around borders and settlements. October 7 proved otherwise. The conflict is not fundamentally about the absence of a Palestinian state. It is about the refusal of many Palestinians, as well as Iran and its terror proxies, to accept the existence of Israel within any borders. The Europeans, pressing for an openly warmongering Palestinian state, apparently agree.
Hamas, Hezbollah, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and the Iranian regime are not fighting for a two-state solution. They are fighting for a one-state solution — without any Israel. Even after a “peace deal” is signed, they will not stop planning for that result.
By continuing to promote Palestinian statehood without addressing this reality, Westerners are rewarding extremism and terrorism.
US President Donald J. Trump’s “helpful” mediators — Qatar, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Turkey — all loathe Israel, despite Egypt’s icy peace treaty. For signing it, Egypt’s then President Anwar Sadat was murdered by his countrymen. Turkey sounds as if it is already gearing up for a war with Israel. The entire goal of these supposed “friends” of Trump in “helping” him has been to make sure that Iran’s regime survives to try to eliminate Israel after Trump leaves office.
Trump appears to have an understandably hard time seeing who his real friends are. If world leaders are charming to him — that is their job; how else can they get their way? — he seems to believe that they are actually his friends and have his and America’s best interests at heart, not just their own, possibly extremely different, long-term agendas. This difficulty also includes “my friend,” the KGB wonder boy, Russian President Vladimir Putin, and the president of China’s Communist Party, Xi Jinping.
The message the Europeans are, in fact, sending to Hamas and other Palestinian terrorist groups is: massacre Israelis, launch wars, reject compromise, and eventually the international community will pressure Israel to agree to its own destruction.
Sadly, the Paris conference could have made a meaningful, constructive contribution. It could have called on Palestinians to renounce terrorism, end incitement, and recognize Israel’s right to exist. It could have insisted on genuine reform and elections inside the Palestinian political system.
Instead, the participants chose to recycle slogans and formulas that — to no one’s surprise — have repeatedly failed.
An additional revealing aspect of the conference is the question: Who exactly do the attendees represent? Certainly not Hamas. Certainly not the Palestinian Authority leadership. It is a group of Europeans trying to tell Israelis, in their far-away sovereign state, how to live. Have the Europeans pressed Turkey for a Kurdish state or to abandon occupied northern Cyprus?
The conference largely relies on civil society activists, NGOs, and members of what has become known as an international “peace industry” that often speaks in the name of Palestinians and Israelis without enjoying broad public support from either society, and without having to suffer the potential consequences of their soft-headed, unworkable ideas.
It would seem as if Europe has enough troubles of its own that they appear committed to not solving. Chief among these are a self-inflicted energy crisis, increasing repression of free speech and a ballooning hijrah – a migration in the cause of Allah to anchor Islam across Europe’s Judeo-Christian culture.
Conferences produce photographs, declarations, and communiqués. They do not produce peace.
France and other Western countries are free to continue promoting the two-state solution. Before doing so, however, they should answer a few basic questions: Who will govern the Palestinian state? How will Hamas be prevented from taking over and attacking Israel “time and again until it is annihilated,” as it has vowed to do? How will Iran be prevented from again turning the Gaza Strip into a forward operating base against Israel? What guarantees will be provided that October 7 will not be repeated from the West Bank hills overlooking Israel’s major population centers?
Until these questions are answered, conferences such as the one in Paris do not advance peace. Instead, they promote, as their sponsors undoubtedly know, merely a destabilizing illusion.
https://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/22612/the-two-state-fantasy
**Bassam Tawil is a Muslim Arab based in the Middle East. His work is made possible through the generous donation of a couple who wish to remain anonymous. atestone is most grateful.
© 2026 Gatestone Institute. All rights reserved. The articles printed here do not necessarily reflect the views of the Editors or of Gatestone Institute.


Iran Wants To Punish Jordan for Hosting U.S. Forces
Ahmad Sharawi and Behnam Ben Taleblu/FDD-Policy Brief/June 15/2026
The Jordanian Armed Forces (JAF) announced on June 11 that they had intercepted 20 missiles launched from Iran toward Al-Azraq, a town about 50 miles east of Amman that is also home to a major air base used by U.S. forces. Though the announcement came from the JAF, Jordan does not have advanced missile defenses. American forces, who are co-located on the base, likely intercepted the strikes with their own systems. Open-source analysis and Iranian semi-official media have shared imagery and video of missile impact and warheads making it past air defenses. This imagery highlights Jordan’s vulnerabilities to future Iranian missile launches. The latest attack marked the second direct Iranian strike on Jordan since the April ceasefire between Iran, the United States, and Israel, following strikes on June 10. Previously, Jordan was struck by 166 ballistic missiles and 125 drones launched by Iran and its proxy militias in Iraq in response to the combined U.S.-Israeli strikes on the Tehran regime between February 28 and April 8.
The attack reflects Iran’s strategy of punishing regional states that host American military forces, with the goal of driving the United States out of the region.
Iran’s Strategy Toward U.S. Regional Partners Intersects With Anti-Americanism
The Islamic Republic has long sought to military and diplomatically evict the United States from the Middle East. Traditionally, this was done through support for terrorist proxies that Tehran created or co-opted as part of a larger strategy of exporting its Islamic Revolution. These nonstate actors would apply asymmetric military pressure against states perceived to be part of the pro-American regional order. This approach has allowed Iran to prosecute its revisionist agenda below the threshold for outright war while increasing the costs of alignment between each state and the United States. But increasing Iranian risk tolerance, along with a significant improvement in the regime’s long-range strike capabilities, is providing Iran with a pathway to use more overt force to target regional rivals and impose costs on them for their pro-Western orientation. Tehran’s preferred method has been to frame attacks on these states as attacks limited to military facilities that the United States used to strike Iran.
Jordan’s Evolving Response to Iran
Jordan has traditionally adopted a cautious approach toward the Islamic Republic, seeking to avoid the sort of direct confrontation or entanglement with Iran that Iraq and Gulf Cooperation Council countries have been subjected to over the past four decades. Amman is also wary of provoking Iranian retaliation in the event of a U.S.-Iran conflict and sensitive to perceptions of cooperation with Jerusalem and Washington against Tehran given the potential domestic backlash. A few weeks before the war, Jordanian Foreign Minister Ayman al-Safadi told his Iranian counterpart, Abbas Araghchi, that “Jordan will not be a battlefield for any party in any regional conflict.” Yet after becoming a direct target of Iranian missiles and drones, Jordan’s public posture shifted. Throughout the war, Jordanian officials emphasized that the kingdom was being directly targeted by Iran. Military officials argued that despite Jordan informing all “concerned parties” that it would not serve as “a battleground for anyone,” the country was not spared from Iranian assault. Jordan has also avoided framing the strikes as attacks on the U.S. presence in the country, instead portraying them as violations of Jordanian sovereignty. Amman then embraced diplomatic pressure on Tehran, with Safadi revealing that Jordan refused to extend the residency of one Iranian diplomat and denied accreditation to another.However, some parliamentarians diverged from the official line. One member of parliament, Ismail Mashagbeh, argued that Jordan should not intercept missiles over its airspace.
Washington Should Help Jordan Hold the Line Against Iran
In 2022, Washington and Amman signed a seven-year, nonbinding memorandum of understanding under which the United States committed to requesting at least $1.45 billion annually in assistance for Jordan. Using this agreement as a basis, Washington should strengthen Amman’s partnership with Jerusalem in efforts to counter Tehran, expand intelligence sharing, and facilitate Jordan’s deeper integration into the U.S.-led regional air and missile defense architecture to help Amman detect and destroy Iranian projectiles.
**Ahmad Sharawi is a senior research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD), focusing on Iranian intervention in Arab affairs and the Levant. Behnam Ben Taleblu is the Iran Program senior director and a senior fellow. For more analysis from the authors, please subscribe HERE. Follow FDD on X @FDD. Follow Ahmad on X @AhmadA_Sharawi and Behnam @therealBehnamBT. FDD is a Washington, DC-based, nonpartisan research institute focusing on foreign policy and national security.

Trump's Iran Deal: A Strategic Opening
Ahmed Charai/Gatestone Institute/June 15, 2026
https://eliasbejjaninews.com/2026/06/155300/

The real obstacle to peace has never been the Iranian nation. It is the regime that governs Iran against the will and aspirations of its own people—a regime that behaves less like a normal state than like a revolutionary-security cartel.
Iran cannot be allowed to acquire a nuclear weapon—not under this framework, not after sixty days, not in five years, not through ambiguity, delay, concealment, or the gradual normalization of violations.
The nuclear file cannot be postponed into irrelevance while sanctions relief, oil access, and frozen assets are granted upfront. Any serious diplomatic process must begin with verifiable commitments, intrusive inspections, a full accounting of enriched uranium stocks, and consequences that are automatic rather than rhetorical.
An agreement with Tehran is not a contract with a normal government. It is an arrangement with a divided, opaque, militarized system in which diplomats may sign while commanders sabotage; presidents may speak while the Revolutionary Guard decides; moderates may promise while hard-liners prepare the next escalation.
Iran's recent posture follows a familiar pattern: negotiate under pressure, demand relief, preserve leverage, and use regional proxies to complicate the battlefield. The Revolutionary Guard is the backbone of the regime's coercive power at home and its projection of force abroad. Figures such as Ahmad Vahidi symbolize the problem.
That is why the framework must not be limited to the Strait of Hormuz and the nuclear file. It must also address the machinery of regional destabilization.
If Tehran is allowed to trade temporary calm in the Gulf for continued proxy pressure in Lebanon, Gaza, Syria, Iraq, or Yemen, then the agreement will not bring peace. It will simply move the war from one front to another.
The third principle must be regional consultation. Israel has direct security concerns that cannot be dismissed as political inconvenience.
Washington need not make regime change the declared objective of this diplomacy. But America should not grant the regime legitimacy without conditions. Human rights must remain part of the architecture: internet freedom, political prisoners, women's rights, the right to protest, and accountability for repression.
This is where President Trump should consider a bold political and economic complement to the security negotiations: entrust Jared Kushner with a parallel track focused on the future of the Iranian economy, but designed for the benefit of the Iranian people—not the enrichment of the regime.
Kushner's achievement with the Abraham Accords was not merely that he helped negotiate documents; it was that he understood the strategic power of economic imagination in a region exhausted by ideology. The same logic should now be applied to Iran. Any sanctions relief, investment mechanism, infrastructure plan, or economic opening must be tied to transparency, private-sector development, young entrepreneurs, women, students, technology, and civil society—not to the Revolutionary Guard, not to the clerical establishment, and not to the regime's networks of coercion.
The purpose of diplomacy should not be to rescue the regime from the consequences of its own failures. It should be to ensure that the Iranian people, and not their jailers, become the ultimate beneficiaries of peace.
Iran cannot be allowed to acquire a nuclear weapon—not under this framework, not after sixty days, not in five years, not through ambiguity, delay, concealment, or the gradual normalization of violations.
On his eightieth birthday, President Donald Trump announced what many in Washington, Jerusalem, Abu Dhabi, Manama, and beyond had been waiting to hear: the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran had reached a framework aimed at ending a dangerous war, reopening the Strait of Hormuz, and beginning a new round of negotiations over Iran's nuclear program.
This is good news. It should be welcomed. But it should not be romanticized.
No serious person in the Middle East is hungry for war. The people of the region—Israelis, Emiratis, Bahrainis, Kuwaitis, Lebanese, Yemenis, and above all the Iranian people themselves—have lived too long under the shadow of missiles, militias, intimidation, and ideological blackmail. They want security, dignity, prosperity, and a future for their children. They do not want another generation sacrificed to revolutionary fantasies or strategic miscalculations.
The real obstacle to peace has never been the Iranian nation. It is the regime that governs Iran against the will and aspirations of its own people—a regime that behaves less like a normal state than like a revolutionary-security cartel. Its power rests on repression at home and destabilization abroad. Its proxies have terrorized Israel, threatened Gulf stability, paralyzed Lebanon, devastated Yemen, and turned the Palestinian cause into an instrument of regional leverage rather than a path toward dignity and prosperity.
That is why this framework, if implemented seriously, represents an opportunity.
President Trump deserves credit for understanding something many traditional diplomats often miss: in the Middle East, diplomacy without leverage is rarely diplomacy; it is theater. His method has often been described by critics as transactional. Perhaps it is. But transactions can be useful when they produce results, and there is no virtue in elegant failure. If this framework stops the guns, reopens a vital artery of the global economy, reduces immediate risks to Israel and the Gulf, and creates a diplomatic window to address Iran's nuclear program, then it is a meaningful achievement.
Now the central question is unavoidable: what happens next?
The answer will determine whether this becomes a strategic turning point or merely another pause before the next crisis.
The first principle must be clarity. Iran cannot be allowed to acquire a nuclear weapon—not under this framework, not after sixty days, not in five years, not through ambiguity, delay, concealment, or the gradual normalization of violations. The nuclear file cannot be postponed into irrelevance while sanctions relief, oil access, and frozen assets are granted upfront. Any serious diplomatic process must begin with verifiable commitments, intrusive inspections, a full accounting of enriched uranium stocks, and consequences that are automatic rather than rhetorical.
The second principle must be enforcement. An agreement with Tehran is not a contract with a normal government. It is an arrangement with a divided, opaque, militarized system in which diplomats may sign while commanders sabotage; presidents may speak while the Revolutionary Guard decides; moderates may promise while hard-liners prepare the next escalation.
This is not an abstract concern. Iran's recent posture follows a familiar pattern: negotiate under pressure, demand relief, preserve leverage, and use regional proxies to complicate the battlefield. The Revolutionary Guard is the backbone of the regime's coercive power at home and its projection of force abroad. Figures such as Ahmad Vahidi symbolize the problem. The West is not negotiating merely with foreign ministers and polished diplomats. It is negotiating with a security apparatus shaped by hostage-taking, proxy warfare, repression, missile programs, and ideological militancy.
That is why the framework must not be limited to the Strait of Hormuz and the nuclear file. It must also address the machinery of regional destabilization.
Iran's ballistic missile and drone capabilities must be constrained. Its support for Hezbollah, the Houthis, Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and other armed groups must be cut, monitored, and penalized. Its financial networks, front companies, weapons transfers, training channels, and intelligence support to proxies must be exposed and dismantled.
If Tehran is allowed to trade temporary calm in the Gulf for continued proxy pressure in Lebanon, Gaza, Syria, Iraq, or Yemen, then the agreement will not bring peace. It will simply move the war from one front to another.
The third principle must be regional consultation. Israel has direct security concerns that cannot be dismissed as political inconvenience. The United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Kuwait live within missile range of Iranian power and within economic range of Iranian coercion. Lebanon and Yemen know the human cost of Iran's imperial ambitions. Any serious American strategy must integrate the concerns of these states rather than ask them to trust a process designed elsewhere.
There is also a moral dimension Washington must not forget: the Iranian people.
The people of Iran are the first victims of the regime and the natural allies of any future peace. They have been beaten, imprisoned, censored, tortured, and killed for demanding the most basic rights: dignity, freedom, women's rights, economic opportunity, and a normal life.
Washington need not make regime change the declared objective of this diplomacy. But America should not grant the regime legitimacy without conditions. Human rights must remain part of the architecture: internet freedom, political prisoners, women's rights, the right to protest, and accountability for repression.
This is where President Trump should consider a bold political and economic complement to the security negotiations: entrust Jared Kushner with a parallel track focused on the future of the Iranian economy, but designed for the benefit of the Iranian people—not the enrichment of the regime.
Kushner's achievement with the Abraham Accords was not merely that he helped negotiate documents; it was that he understood the strategic power of economic imagination in a region exhausted by ideology. The same logic should now be applied to Iran. Any sanctions relief, investment mechanism, infrastructure plan, or economic opening must be tied to transparency, private-sector development, young entrepreneurs, women, students, technology, and civil society—not to the Revolutionary Guard, not to the clerical establishment, and not to the regime's networks of coercion.
Iran is a great civilization with a young, educated, creative population. It should be a bridge between Asia, the Gulf, the Caucasus, Europe, and the Mediterranean. It should be exporting talent, technology, culture, energy, and ideas—not fear, drones, militias, and repression. The purpose of diplomacy should not be to rescue the regime from the consequences of its own failures. It should be to ensure that the Iranian people, and not their jailers, become the ultimate beneficiaries of peace.
If this framework stops a war, it deserves support. If it prevents a nuclear Iran, it will deserve history's praise. But if it allows the regime to recover, rearm, finance proxies, hide nuclear material, and repress its people with renewed confidence, then it will be remembered not as peace but as an intermission.
The Middle East does not need another illusion. It needs a disciplined peace—generous to the Iranian people, firm with the regime, and informed by the pragmatic regional logic that produced the Abraham Accords.
That is the test. And it begins now.
https://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/22613/trump-iran-deal-a-strategic-opening
**Ahmed Charai is the Chairman and CEO of World Herald Tribune, Inc., and the publisher of the Jerusalem Strategic Tribune, TV Abraham, and Radio Abraham. He serves on the boards of several prominent institutions, including the Atlantic Council, the Center for the National Interest, the Foreign Policy Research Institute, and the International Crisis Group. He is also an International Councilor and a member of the Advisory Board at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
**This article was originally published in the Jerusalem Strategic Tribune. It is reprinted here by the kind permission of the author.
© 2026 Gatestone Institute. All rights reserved. The articles printed here do not necessarily reflect the views of the Editors or of Gatestone Institute.

G7 summit: US-Iran deal, Mideast stability and global priorities take center stage
Dr. Majid Rafizadeh/Al ASrabiya English/June 15/2026
The picturesque town of Evian-les-Bains in France is hosting the opening of the 52nd G7 Leaders’ Summit. Leaders from the United States, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, and the United Kingdom, alongside the European Union, are gathering for three days of intensive discussions. This year’s summit, under the French presidency, arrives at a moment of promising diplomatic progress, highlighted by the recent US-Iran agreement, which opens pathways to lasting regional stability, secure energy routes, and strengthened global economic confidence.
The atmosphere is filled with anticipation and optimism. With the world watching closely, expectations are high for tangible outcomes that build on this momentum, ranging from consolidating Middle East stability and partnerships to advancing technological governance. US President Donald Trump is expected to play a central role, including bilateral meetings with Middle Eastern partners and a working session with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. The G7 gathering is set to celebrate a significant breakthrough in Middle East diplomacy, with the recent US-Iran agreement marking a key milestone. This deal paves the way for fully resolving remaining differences between the United States and Iran. Leaders will focus on consolidating these gains to ensure long-term regional stability.
G7 leaders are expected to welcome the agreement’s provisions for resolving the nuclear issue, supporting the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz to secure uninterrupted global energy flows, and building mechanisms to prevent any future disruptions. US officials have expressed strong optimism that this framework will lead to effective safeguards against renewed hostilities, and sustained open access through critical maritime routes. Invitations to Middle East partners, including leaders from Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt, and Qatar, highlight the summit’s emphasis on turning this momentum into enduring peace and cooperation.
For Europe and the United States, this progress on the Iran file extends far beyond immediate geopolitics. It promises to stabilize energy prices, ease inflationary pressures, and strengthen broader economic security worldwide. With the Strait of Hormuz now on a clear path to full operational reopening, discussions will center on diplomatic follow-through to lock in these achievements, deter any backsliding, and foster conditions that make future instability impossible.
Ukraine support and transatlantic unity in focus
Parallel to the Middle East crisis, the war in Ukraine remains a cornerstone agenda item. European leaders, still grappling with the humanitarian and security fallout from Russia’s invasion, will seek renewed commitments from the G7. President Trump is slated to join a dedicated working session with Zelenskyy and other leaders, signaling continued US engagement despite shifting domestic priorities. Expect conversations around sustained military and financial aid, reconstruction efforts, and strategies to counter Russian advances. The G7 has previously coordinated measures like using frozen Russian assets for Ukraine support, and similar concrete steps could emerge. This topic bridges Europe and the US, reinforcing alliances at a time when unity is crucial for global peace. The linkage between Ukraine and Middle East stability will likely be highlighted – both conflicts strain resources, influence energy markets, and test the rules-based international order. A stable Middle East could free up focus and aid for Eastern Europe.
Economic priorities: AI, trade, and deregulation
Beyond security crises, economic resilience will feature prominently. With global growth facing headwinds from conflicts and supply disruptions, leaders are poised to discuss fostering innovation while promoting less regulation and reduced tariffs to spur recovery.
Artificial Intelligence stands out as a major forward-looking topic. The G7 is expected to advance frameworks for responsible AI development, governance, and competition, balancing technological leadership with ethical considerations and economic security. Supply chain resilience, critical minerals, and countering imbalances – potentially touching on China – will also arise. France and other European hosts aim to project unity, accommodating US perspectives under President Trump while pushing collaborative solutions on trade and investment. Lower tariffs and streamlined regulations could be framed as pathways to shared prosperity amid uncertainty.
Middle East partnerships: Key to broader stability
Middle East engagement extends beyond the Iran file. Invitations to regional leaders reflect recognition that peace in the region is vital for Europe, the US, and global partners alike. Discussions may cover broader de-escalation, support for affected nations, and long-term frameworks for security and economic cooperation. This focus aligns with G7 goals of preventing wider conflicts and spillover. Energy security, migration pressures, and humanitarian needs will intersect with these talks, emphasizing integrated approaches rather than siloed responses.
As the summit unfolds, the G7 is well-positioned to deliver actionable results through strengthened cooperation. The gathering provides an important platform for traditional allies and partners to coordinate effectively on shared priorities, building on recent diplomatic successes.
Success will depend on advancing follow-through on the US-Iran agreement, continued support for Ukraine, and strategic investments in AI, economic openness with reduced regulation and tariffs, and multilateral partnerships. For the United States and its Middle East allies, progress on the Strait of Hormuz reopening and broader regional cooperation could mark a significant step toward enduring stability and prosperity. In the coming days, Evian will serve as more than a scenic backdrop; it could shape the trajectory for lasting peace, economic growth, and technological progress. The world awaits the concrete steps leaders will take to build on today’s positive momentum and forge a more stable future.

Which Iran, Which Iraq, and Which Israel?
Ghassan Charbel/Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
I feel the weight of geography every time I visit Amman. Jordan’s fate is to adapt to it. This is difficult when your neighbor’s name is Menachem Begin, Ariel Sharon, or Benjamin Netanyahu, when your other neighbors happen to be Saddam Hussein, with his wars and recklessness, and then the factions, or Hafez al-Assad, with his quiet intrigues, followed by his son Bashar, with his arrogance and total intransigence. It is difficult, too, when the weight of geography floods your country with refugees and threatens you with more. When it leaks al-Qaeda cells and ISIS militants into your land. For the winds and poisons of Captagon to blow from your neighbor to your territory. For missiles and drones arriving from territory that is supposed to be friendly to take you by surprise.
By virtue of its location, belonging, and memory, Jordan cannot resign itself from the Palestinian wound, which has been increasingly inflamed since “Sinwar’s Flood.” There is anxiety over the practices of the occupation in the West Bank in the offices of Jordanian officials and in their conversations. Jordan cannot ignore its relations with Iraq and the extent to which the “factions” comply with the principles of good neighborliness. During the American-Israeli war on Iran, some Iraqi factions did not withhold “gifts” to Jordan. One day, they struck a radar at a Jordanian army post that does not host American forces. The military submitted the report to the supreme commander, King Abdullah II, noting options for retaliation. The king instructed the government to contact the Iraqi authorities and avoid slipping into an exchange of blows that would complicate relations between the two brotherly countries.
The idea of the weight of geography haunted me even more this time because I was returning from a dinner during which sirens blared: missiles were preparing to cross the airspace and that Jordanian missiles were preparing to intercept them. The truth is that, for many years, Jordan has stood on the line of contact with Iran, which has failed to consolidate itself in Jordan as it did in Syria and Lebanon. Jordan rejected Iran’s “tourism” offers, which began with the restoration of religious shrines. Its security services diligently foiled attempts at infiltration through third parties. Jordan held to its sovereignty even when, for years, it lived between “Soleimani’s armies” in Iraq and Syria. I noticed that the restaurant’s patrons were not alarmed by the sirens; in recent months, Jordan has been targeted by more than three hundred missiles and drones.
Amman has been waiting, like other capitals, for the implications of American-Iranian negotiations to become clear, amid the accompanying leaks, camouflage, and disinformation. It waited to learn whether the memorandum of understanding would provide a basis for seeking to restore stability to this region, exhausted by conflicts, interventions, and breaches. The people of the region have every right to maintain caution or patience; Iran is not about to give up on its project or its lexicon, and the Trump administration is rushing to complete the dish and time it to the mood and schedule of Mr. President. Observers, too, have the right to wait for implementation to determine whether this is merely a memorandum of misunderstanding that will lie in wait, only to reappear under other circumstances.
In Amman’s offices and political salons, stability is a word one hears more than any other. Most are inclined to believe that stability hinges on several factors.
The first factor is which Iran will emerge from the expected agreement with America. There is no doubt that Iranian officials will speak of victory over the “Great Satan.” Such rhetoric is needed to push through any agreement with America, the same America that the IRGC once dreamed of expelling from the region after sinking its ships in Gulf waters. Will Iran be satisfied with the security guarantees, financial gains, and the few regional privileges the agreement provides, or will it behave like a wounded tiger, accepting the agreement to dress its wounds of war and prepare to go back to old ways? Will the new Supreme Leader, who needs to consolidate legitimacy, agree to purge the “death to America” rhetoric from the discourse and to enter into an open-ended truce with the “cancerous tumor” that his predecessors had demanded be eradicated? And do the leaders of the IRGC fear that lowering the temperature could fuel domestic demands, including the desire to live in a normal state preoccupied with development, progress, and adapting to the age?
The conduct of some pro-Iran factions has led some Iraqis to focus their attention on what their country will become in the coming stage. It is clear that the Jordanian side is ready to engage positively with Ali al-Zaidi’s government, which is finding its footing as it dreams of “confining weapons” and repairing investment relations with the “Great Satan.” Jordan has taken a positive approach with the governments of Mohammed Shia al-Sudani and Mustafa al-Kadhimi, but attacks by factions left disappointment. If the question of which Iraq will emerge preoccupies Jordan, it is only natural that it should also preoccupy the Arab Gulf states, which have likewise received the factions’ gifts.
If Jordan is waiting to see which Iran will emerge after the Iranian-American agreement, and which Iraq will take shape, it is also asking: which Israel will emerge after the general elections in the coming months? It is clear that Jordan is deeply concerned by Netanyahu’s policy in the West Bank, especially the policies of ministers under the cloak of his government, foremost among them Ben-Gvir and Smotrich. Netanyahu’s insistence on continuing this aggressive pursuit of domination was entrenched after the Sinwar Flood in Gaza, the West Bank, Lebanon, and Syria- this is a source of immense anxiety in Amman. However, the elections also raise a difficult question: would any alternative to Netanyahu be much more than a cosmetic adjustment to policies that do not differ in essence, given Israeli society’s continued shift toward the right and extremism.
Which Iran? Which Iraq? Which Israel? These are difficult questions that also concern Lebanon, suspended on the ropes of the region. They also concern Syria, which will long be occupied with dressing the wounds of its economy and all the other wounds left behind by the “Assad era.” It is difficult to speak of stability without knowing Israel’s borders. And it is difficult, too, without knowing Iran’s borders.

Is Defensive Neutrality a Strategy?
Mamoun Fandy/Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
How can we read the Saudi position? Without resorting to the common formulas of American international relations literature, especially the concept of “hedging,” promoted by magazines, such as Foreign Affairs and Foreign Policy, and now almost every analysis, what is its historical context? Hedging is a concept associated with small states, and Saudi Arabia is not one of them. Here, I propose another concept: “defensive neutrality,” to explain the Kingdom’s approach during the recent US-Israel war on Iran. International relations scholarship usually focuses its attention on states that won wars or were defeated in them, not placing the same focus on states that had succeeded in avoiding war in the first place. Historians go over the battles of military decisions, but they often overlook a state’s success in preventing its territory from becoming a conflict arena. In my view, that success is a strategic achievement in its own right. Defensive neutrality is not moral neutrality between the warring parties, nor does it mean that a country has withdrawn into oneself or gone into strategic dormancy, as some see it. Rather, it is a policy founded on a simple principle: avoiding engagement in the war while retaining the full capacity to defend the homeland if the flames do reach it.
Türkiye and Sweden might offer two insightful examples of this.
On September 1, 1939, World War II broke out and Türkiye found itself in an extremely complex geopolitical position. Nazi Germany was expanding in Europe, the Soviet Union’s forces stood at the border, and Britain was exerting great pressure to push Ankara into joining the war. In January 1943, Winston Churchill himself traveled to Türkiye to persuade its leadership to enter on the side of the Allies. But Türkiye refused. This was not out of sympathy for Germany, but out of an understanding that Türkiye's national priority was to avoid the destruction that swept across Europe. Ankara continued its policy of balancing between the warring parties and maneuvered diplomatically between Berlin, London, and Moscow. In April 1944, it halted chromium exports to Germany, then severed diplomatic relations with Germany in August of the same year, when it had become clear that the war was close to ending. In February 1945, it formally declared war on Germany without its army actually taking part in the fighting. The result was clear: Türkiye emerged from the war with its infrastructure intact, its institutions standing, and its economy in viable shape, while large swaths of Europe lay in ruins. Sweden’s experience, meanwhile, was more complicated.
In April 1940, Germany invaded Norway and Denmark, and Sweden was all but surrounded by German forces. It had two choices: direct confrontation with an overwhelmingly superior military power or the pursuit of a flexible policy of defensive neutrality. It chose the second option. In June 1940, it allowed the passage of some German troops and goods through its territory, then in 1941 approved the transit of German forces heading to Finland. The ethics of these concessions later became a major controversy, but they were part of a strategy aimed at avoiding the invasion of the country. As the balance of power shifted and its defensive capabilities improved, Stockholm - as it was receiving thousands of refugees from Denmark and Norway - began to retreat from those arrangements. In 1943, it halted the passage of German troops and gradually moved toward supporting the Allies’ humanitarian and intelligence efforts. Most importantly, it succeeded in sparing its territory from the war for six years.
The lesson from Türkiye and Sweden is not that neutrality is easy or free of moral contradictions, but that a state situated among conflicting powers may make the protection of society and the state its top priority. The Saudi position today can be understood from this angle. The Kingdom lies at the heart of a region where regional and international conflicts intersect. At the same time, Saudi Arabia is implementing a major historical project to rebuild its economy and society through Vision 2030. In such circumstances, safeguarding domestic stability and cities, ports, airports, and energy networks becomes a pillar of national security. Accordingly, the concept of “hedging” does not seem sufficient to explain Saudi behavior. Hedging refers to an effort to balance risk among multiple partners in an uncertain environment. What we have witnessed, on the other hand, is more an integrated strategy whose aim is to avoid involvement in the war while retaining the capacity for deterrence and defense.
This is the essence of defensive neutrality. It does not mean abandoning allies or ignoring risks; it means refusing to turn national territory into a platform for other people’s wars. Türkiye proved between 1939 and 1945 that a state can survive the greatest war in history if it manages its geographic position well. Sweden proved that staying away from war can become a strategic achievement in itself. Perhaps Saudi Arabia is adding a new example to this historical experience: that the greatest victories are sometimes not achieved on the battlefield but through the efforts to prevent war from reaching the homeland in the first place.

Iran and Us: The Alternative and Al-Badli
Mishary Dhayidi/Asharq Al-Awsat/June 15/2026
Understanding comes first, determination second, then decision and action. These are the steps a mature person ascends to reach the threshold of sound judgment in both deed and word. Iran is not an easy country to understand, whether in its time, its people, or its land. This has not only been true since the Khomeinist era, but for centuries before it. Today, however, it is even more difficult and complex after nearly half a century of rule by a movement whose ideas are marked by excess and radicalism: a blend of fundamentalist revolutionary thought in the broad sense, revolutionary fundamentalism, Guevarist-style leftist revolutionary ideology, and a nationalist revolutionary outlook rooted in the Ferdowsian tradition of the Persian Shahnameh. Veteran Iranian writer Amir Taheri wrote recently in this newspaper: “the wars involving Iran will not end without regime change in Tehran, which can only be realized by the Iranian people and the internal political dynamics of a complex society that has passed through half a century of crises.”
How well do we understand this complex society and this intricate Iranian reality? Do we in the Gulf, let alone the Arab world, possess a scholarly community dedicated to studying Iran from every angle, rather than focusing solely on immediate political and security affairs? Yes, there are a handful of centers in some Arab countries, but they have not produced a lasting impact, a sustained intellectual tradition, or a rich cumulative legacy.
Speaking of cumulative legacy, it is important to mention a distinguished and pioneering Saudi scholar in this field: Professor Ahmed Al-Badli. He studied Persian literature at the University of Tehran, earned his doctorate there in 1966, then returned to King Saud University in Riyadh, where he taught Persian literature.
This man, who translated several literary works from Persian into Arabic, including The Travels of Nasir Khusraw, never became the nucleus of a lasting Saudi, or even Arab, project for Persian and Iranian studies. I do not know why, nor who bears responsibility for that failure.
His friend, the Saudi writer and journalist Abdulrahman bin Muammar, wrote about him in Al-Majallah Al-Arabiyah, recalling the period when Bin Muammar headed Al-Jazirah newspaper in the 1960s: “He introduced readers to translations of high-caliber Persian literature unlike anything they had known before. Some even sought to distort the purpose behind publishing them, plotting against him and working to undermine him.” He also highlighted one of Al-Badli’s valuable contributions: his serialized translations in Al-Manhal magazine on the history of the Qajar dynasty, which, as the late Bin Muammar wished, deserve to be collected and published in book form. In a profile written by Dr. Abdullah Al Madani for Okaz, he noted that the young man from Makkah became fascinated by the Persian language while working during the Hajj season. Al-Badli later said that, if it were up to him, Persian would be the first foreign language Saudi students should learn. Al-Badli recounted that Iranians often refused to believe he was Saudi when he spoke to them. If we are to understand Iran’s “complex” society, we need an Al-Badli, indeed a whole tribe of them.

Lebanon Cannot Carry This Burden Alone …Hezbollah, Iran, and the Question of Sovereignty
By: TONI NISSI – President of the committee for the United Nations security council resolutions on Lebanon
June 15, 2026
https://eliasbejjaninews.com/2026/06/155294/
For decades, Lebanon has lived under a political illusion.
Successive governments, political leaders, and international mediators have repeatedly treated Hezbollah’s military arsenal as an internal Lebanese issue that could eventually be resolved through dialogue, compromise, or gradual political evolution.
Events have proven otherwise.
Today, as Lebanon enters a new phase of negotiations, ceasefire arrangements, and international engagement, it is time to confront reality with clarity and courage.
The fundamental question facing Lebanon is not whether Hezbollah possesses weapons.
The fundamental question is whether the Lebanese Republic can exercise full sovereignty while a military organization operating on its territory remains strategically linked to a foreign power.
For many years, this question was avoided.
Today, it can no longer be postponed.
Hezbollah and the Supreme Leader
There remains a debate among analysts regarding the degree of independence enjoyed by Hezbollah.
Some argue that the organization has developed into a Lebanese political movement with significant autonomy. Others maintain that Hezbollah remains fundamentally tied to Iran’s strategic objectives.
In my view, the evidence leaves little room for ambiguity.
Hezbollah’s leadership has repeatedly affirmed its commitment to the doctrine of Wilayat al-Faqih and its allegiance to the Supreme Leader of Iran. This is not an accusation made by its opponents. It is a principle publicly embraced by the organization itself.
The issue, therefore, is not whether Hezbollah maintains local political autonomy in municipal affairs, parliamentary elections, or social services.
The issue is who ultimately decides questions of war and peace.
Who decides whether Lebanon enters a regional conflict?
Who decides whether rockets are launched?
Who decides whether a ceasefire is accepted?
Who decides whether military capabilities are preserved, expanded, or dismantled?
If the answer to these questions lies outside Lebanon, then the problem is no longer merely Lebanese.
It has become a regional and international issue.
Hezbollah Is Not Only a Lebanese Problem
One of the greatest mistakes committed by both Lebanese and international policymakers has been the tendency to describe Hezbollah exclusively as an internal Lebanese matter.
Such an approach ignores reality.
Because of its ideological, military, financial, and strategic links to Iran, Hezbollah cannot be viewed solely through a domestic lens.
Its role extends beyond Lebanon’s borders.
Its strategic calculations extend beyond Lebanon’s borders.
Its alliances extend beyond Lebanon’s borders.
Consequently, the challenge facing Lebanon also extends beyond Lebanon’s borders.
No responsible government should be expected to confront such a challenge entirely alone.
The Lessons of the Cedar Revolution
Lebanon has already lived through a similar moment.
Following the assassination of Prime Minister Rafik Hariri and the birth of the Cedar Revolution, the free world mobilized in support of Lebanon’s sovereignty. The international community stood firmly behind the aspirations of millions of Lebanese who demanded independence, freedom, and the restoration of state authority.
The March 14 movement achieved historic accomplishments. Syrian military forces withdrew from Lebanon, international support reached unprecedented levels, and Lebanon enjoyed a degree of political backing rarely seen in its modern history.
Yet despite this extraordinary support, a fundamental strategic mistake was repeatedly made.
The leadership of March 14 consistently argued that Hezbollah was primarily an internal Lebanese issue that could eventually be resolved through national dialogue and internal political processes.
Good intentions, however, could not change reality.
A challenge whose roots, resources, financing, weapons systems, and strategic command structure extended beyond Lebanon could not be solved exclusively through Lebanese dialogue.
While discussions continued, Hezbollah’s military capabilities expanded, its influence deepened, and its position within the Lebanese state became increasingly entrenched.
The international community supported the Cedar Revolution to the maximum extent possible. But a significant part of the project ultimately failed because many of its leaders insisted on treating a regional and international challenge as if it were solely a domestic Lebanese matter.
History demonstrates that one of the principal reasons for the failure to fully restore Lebanese sovereignty after the Cedar Revolution was the refusal to recognize the true nature of the challenge.
The lesson should not be forgotten today.
The Meaning of a U.S.-Iran Agreement
As this article is being written, the United States and Iran have announced a historic understanding intended to end a dangerous phase of confrontation and open the door to a broader regional settlement.
According to information released so far, the agreement includes elements related to de-escalation, sanctions relief, the reopening of strategic maritime routes, the release of frozen Iranian assets, and commitments regarding Iran’s nuclear program. Further negotiations are expected to clarify the details and implementation of mechanisms.
Equally significant for Lebanon is the indication that the framework may extend to a broader regional de-escalation, including Lebanon.
Yet despite the historic nature of this development, a fundamental reality remains.
The world still does not know the complete text of the agreement.
We do not know all of its clauses.
We do not know the precise commitments undertaken by each side.
We do not know the implementation mechanisms.
And most importantly for Lebanon, we do not know what has been agreed regarding Hezbollah and the future security architecture of our country.
This uncertainty should concern every Lebanese citizen.
For if Hezbollah remains, as many believe, an integral component of Iran’s regional strategic architecture, then any understanding between Washington and Tehran will inevitably have consequences for Lebanon.
The question is not whether Lebanon is affected.
The question is how.
Has Lebanon been included in the understandings reached between Washington and Tehran?
Has Hezbollah’s future military role been addressed?
Has the implementation of international resolutions become part of a wider regional settlement?
Has Iran agreed to redefine its role in Lebanon?
Or has Lebanon once again been left to confront alone the consequences of decisions made elsewhere?
The answers remain unknown.
What is known is that no sovereign nation should have its future determined by negotiations taking place in foreign capitals.
Yet this is precisely the risk facing Lebanon today.
If Tehran decides that regional de-escalation serves its interests, Hezbollah’s behavior is likely to evolve accordingly.
If Tehran decides otherwise, Lebanon may once again find itself hostage to calculations over which it has little control.
This reality should concern every Lebanese citizen regardless of political affiliation.
And this is precisely why Lebanon must avoid repeating the mistake made after the Cedar Revolution: treating a regional and international challenge as though it were merely a domestic political issue.
For if the strategic future of Hezbollah is ultimately discussed in negotiations between Washington and Tehran, then Hezbollah cannot simultaneously be described as solely an internal Lebanese matter.
That illusion has already cost Lebanon dearly.
The country cannot afford to pay the same price twice.
The State’s Moment of Truth
The Lebanese government has committed itself to restoring state authority, implementing international resolutions, strengthening the Lebanese Armed Forces, and ensuring that all security responsibilities ultimately belong to state institutions.
These objectives are not controversial.
They are the very definition of statehood.
But an unavoidable question remains:
What happens if Hezbollah rejects arrangements accepted by the Lebanese state?
Will the government possess the political courage to proceed?
Will the state insist upon implementation?
Will the international community support Lebanon beyond declarations and diplomatic statements?
Will the United States and its allies demonstrate the necessary resolve to ensure that Lebanese sovereignty is not merely proclaimed but effectively enforced?
Will they provide the political, financial, military, and operational support necessary for the Lebanese Army to succeed?
And if circumstances require it, will they be willing to place boots on the ground to ensure that agreements endorsed by the international community are implemented and protected?
These are no longer theoretical questions.
They are the questions upon which Lebanon’s future depends.
The Danger of Repeating the Same Error
There is another lesson that today’s leaders must remember.
For years, under various slogans aimed at preserving stability, avoiding confrontation, or presenting a more acceptable image of Hezbollah to the outside world, many Lebanese politicians accepted compromises that gradually normalized the existence of a military structure operating outside the authority of the state.
The stated objective was often to contain Hezbollah.
The result was the opposite.
What began as accommodation became domination.
What was presented as coexistence evolved into control.
Step by step, institution by institution, decision by decision, Hezbollah’s influence expanded until it became the most powerful actor in large sectors of Lebanese political and security life.
The effort to polish the face of Hezbollah before the international community ultimately allowed Hezbollah to consolidate its position throughout the country.
Lebanon paid a heavy price for confusing accommodation with state-building.
Today, the current Lebanese administration faces a historic responsibility.
It must not repeat the mistakes of the past.
It must not rely on formulas that have already failed.
It must not postpone difficult decisions in the hope that time alone will solve the problem.
The objective is not to improve Hezbollah’s image.
The objective is to restore the authority of the Lebanese state.
Anything less risks repeating the errors of the past and condemning future generations to the same cycle of dependency, paralysis, and lost sovereignty.
Sovereignty Requires Partnership
The restoration of Lebanese sovereignty is first and foremost a Lebanese responsibility.
But it cannot be exclusively a Lebanese responsibility.
A challenge created by decades of regional conflict, foreign intervention, and geopolitical competition cannot be solved by Lebanon alone.
Those who ask Lebanon to reclaim full sovereignty must also be prepared to help Lebanon achieve it.
The international community cannot simultaneously demand implementation and deny the tools required for implementation.
Support for the Lebanese state must become tangible, sustained, and effective.
Otherwise, Lebanon risks being asked to accomplish the impossible.
Lebanon Faces the Judgment of History
For the first time in many years, Lebanon may have an opportunity to restore the principle upon which every sovereign nation is built:
One State.
One Army.
One Authority.
One Decision Regarding War and Peace.
This is not a position against any community, sect, or political group.
It is a position in favor of the Lebanese state.
The future stability of Lebanon requires that all citizens enjoy equal rights, equal responsibilities, and equal protection under a single national authority.
But Lebanon must also recognize a reality that previous generations refused to confront.
If Hezbollah remains tied to Iran’s strategic decisions, then Hezbollah cannot be treated as merely an internal Lebanese matter.
And if that is true, Lebanon cannot be expected to solve the problem alone.
The Lebanese state must do its duty.
The international community must do its duty.
And those who support Lebanese sovereignty must understand that sovereignty is not restored through declarations. It is restored through political courage, strategic clarity, and sustained international commitment.
The coming months may determine whether Lebanon finally becomes a sovereign state whose future is decided in Beirut—or whether it remains an arena where others continue to decide its destiny.
The choice is approaching.
History will judge whether Lebanon had the courage to make it.
**TONI NISSI
President of the committee for the United Nations security council resolutions on Lebanon.

Selected Face Book & X tweets
on 15 June/2026
Mario Nawfal

Netanyahu just told Trump
Israeli forces will NOT withdraw from Lebanon, and Israel does NOT consider itself bound by the Lebanon clause in the US-Iran MoU. Directly rejecting of a core pillar of the deal.
This could blow up the entire Memorandum before the ink is even dry.
Source: Maariv/Writer: Oliver

Misgav Institute for National Security
The deal gives the Iranian regime a lifeline after it had reached its lowest point. It provides Tehran with resources to rebuild its capabilities.
Instead of forcing Tehran to sever its ties with Lebanon, it strengthens Iran's hold over the country. With an outcome like this, the Trump administration is making itself a laughingstock in the region. Misgav Institute Chair, Meir Ben Shabbat in Israel Hayom.

Stephan Zeev Goldin
Translated from French
Tough morning for Israel: a US-Iran deal concluded without it.
-Billions for Tehran
-Nuclear program intact
-Ballistic threat preserved
-Nothing on the proxies
-A lifeline for the regime
-A slap in the face for the Iranian people, Israel more isolated than ever
All that for this.

יוסף חדאד - Yoseph Haddad
If we can sum up the agreement between the US and Iran in Middle Eastern language: Iran comes out of this a massive winner and cements its status as a powerful state vis-à-vis the Arab world. In the Arab world, they look at Iran, which succeeded in standing up to the great US, to the West, and also to the "Zionists" without falling—on the contrary, it came out on top. All the demands from the US side weren't realized, and they were forced to fold and compromise according to the Iranians' terms.
The Iranians' standing in the Middle East has been strengthened; in contrast, Israel's standing has been damaged, and the chances of additional Arab countries joining the Abraham Accords have dropped significantly.
Go through the Arab media and you'll see a very clear narrative of a crushing Iranian victory. In Lebanon, when you open the newspaper Al-Akhbar this morning, you see on the front page the headline: "Iran Imposes End of War in Lebanon." This is a huge victory for them, one that gives Hezbollah a lifeline and also kills any chance of peace between Israel and Lebanon, leaving the northern border under threat.
The siege on Iran is lifted, and in an instant, the Iranian regime doesn't just get oxygen but also billions of dollars in frozen funds, and it starts to strengthen. With this money, it won't worry about its citizens, of course, but about the ballistic missile program and arming the proxies—which, according to reports, are both not included in the agreement and face no restrictions. So the threat to Israel remains, the Shiite axis of evil is preserved, and of course everyone knows what the Iranian regime's goal is—the destruction of Israel. And the sense of revenge will only strengthen that further.
And the most dangerous part—the nuclear program. President Trump has already said himself that it will be allowed for the Iranians to enrich uranium at a low level. This is a retreat from all the promises he made throughout the war. A magnificent capitulation. The moment Iran can legally enrich uranium, there's really nothing to stop them from enriching at any level they want and developing nuclear weapons. No oversight will help; they're masters at lying and hiding from the world, and just remember that in another two and a half years, Trump won't be president in the US anymore, and the global agenda will be focused on other things, and public attention will shift elsewhere...
Over nearly three years of war, the State of Israel rose from the ruins of October 7th and became a Middle Eastern power on all fronts, with military might and the heroism of our fighters. If this is the picture at the end of the war, we've lost all the achievements vis-à-vis the Arab world and the consciousness in the Middle East, and the one left on top as the regional power controlling the area is the head of the snake—the Iranian regime.
Therefore, we must not cooperate with this agreement, must not accept the terms, must not withdraw from Lebanon, must not contain any attack from any front.

Yair Golan - יאיר גולן
@YairGolan1
A tough morning for Israel.
This morning, Israeli citizens are waking up to an agreement between the United States and Iran made over Israel's head.
In one signature stroke, immense military achievements secured with the courage of our pilots and the blood of our fighters have been erased, while Netanyahu stood on the sidelines—weak, ill, isolated, and powerless.
Trump signs an agreement that funnels billions to the Ayatollahs' regime, leaves the nuclear infrastructure intact, preserves the ballistic threat as is, and throws a lifeline to the murderous regime in Tehran.
This is the culmination of long years of failure. Netanyahu is the man who, for years, sold the public a false image of "Mr. Security," and in reality became the father of Israel's greatest strategic failure in its history. The man who built the notion of "Hamas is an asset," who enabled the flow of Qatari money, who abandoned the diplomatic arena, who dismantled Israel's alliances, and left it isolated at the moment of truth.
Netanyahu is good for Hamas.
Netanyahu is good for Iran.
Netanyahu is good for Hezbollah.
Netanyahu is not good for Israel.
The one who promised "total victory" ends his tenure with Israel's enemies stronger, Israel weaker, and the deterrence built with the blood of our fighters eroding before our very eyes.
Replacing him is not just a political necessity—it is an existential security imperative.

Hussain Abdul-Hussain
The list of Iranian and Hezbollah leaders who, instead of celebrating “victory,” will be swimming with the fish:
Iranian Leadership, IRGC, Quds Force, Intelligence, and Nuclear Establishment since 2024
Supreme Leadership & National Security
* Ali Khamenei
* Ali Shamkhani
* Ali Larijani
Armed Forces & IRGC Top Command
* Hossein Salami
* Mohammad Bagheri
* Gholamali Rashid
* Amir Ali Hajizadeh
* Gholamreza Soleimani
* Mohammad Kazemi (reported by Israel among senior losses)
Quds Force & Regional Operations
* Mohammad Reza Zahedi
* Mohammad Hadi Haji Rahimi
* Sayyed Razi Mousavi
* Abbas Nilforoushan
* Hossein Amanollahi
* Mehdi Jalalati
* Mohsen Sedaghat
* Ali Agha-Babaei
* Ali Salehi Rouzbahani
Intelligence
* Esmail Khatib
Nuclear Scientists
* Fereydoun Abbasi-Davani
* Mohammad Mehdi Tehranchi
* Abdolhamid Manouchehr
* Ahmad Reza Zolfaghari
* Amirhossein Feghi
* Motalibizadeh
Hezbollah Leadership
Secretary General & Successor
* Hassan Nasrallah
* Hashem Safieddine
Executive Council & Political Leadership
* Nabil Qaouk
* Mohammad Afif
* Salim Ayyash
Jihad Council / Senior Military Command
* Fuad Shukr
* Ibrahim Aqil
* Ali Karaki
* Haytham Ali Tabtabai
Missile, Rocket, Intelligence & Logistics Command
* Ibrahim Qubaisi
* Hussein Hani Az al-Hayn
* Mohammed Jaafar Qassir
* Hussein Ali al-Hazimeh
* Mohammad Skafi
* Suheil al-Husseini
Radwan Force Leadership
* Wissam al-Tawil
* Ahmad Wehbe
* Ali Ahmad Hassin
* Ismail al-Zin
* Ismail Yusef Baz
* Muhammad Hossein Matzafa Shouri
* Qassem Saqlawi
* Ali Abed Akhsan Naim
* Hussein Ibrahim Kasab
* Ali Jamal al-Din Jawad
* Muhammad Qassem al-Shaer
* Basil Shukr
Southern Front / Regional Commanders
* Taleb Abdallah (Abu Taleb)
* Mohammad Naameh Nasser
* Hussein Makki
* Abbas Ibrahim Hamza Hamada
* Hassan Fares Jeshe
* Ahmad Jafar Maatouk
* Abu Ali Rida
Other Hezbollah Commanders Publicly Listed by Hezbollah
Hezbollah itself later published a memorial list of 35 commanders. Additional names on that list include: Abbas Salameh, Ali Ayyoub, Ali Bahsoun, Ibrahim Jezzini, Hassan Ezzeddine, Mohammad Mahmoud, Hassan Reda, Samir Deeb, Mohammad Srour, Ali Gharib, Mostafa Shehadeh, Khodor Atwi, Mahmoud Shahine, Fouad Khanafer, Mohammad Nabulsi, Mohammad Ismail, Abbas Sharafeddine, Eid Nashar, and Mohammad Khaireddine.

גיא עזריאל Guy Azriel
@GuyAz
National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir:
“Trump’s agreement does not bind us. Israel is committed to defending its citizens and soldiers. Israel is not subordinate to the United States — we are an independent and sovereign nation. My position is clear: we are not partners to this agreement, which does not safeguard our security, and it does not obligate us in any way. We must not settle for anything less than Hezbollah’s dismantlement. We must not withdraw from any territory our soldiers have captured and cleared of terrorist infrastructure. We must not return to a reality in which thousands of terrorists sit along the fences of northern Israeli communities. And we certainly must not remain silent for a single moment in the face of attacks against the State of Israel.”

Hussain Abdul-Hussain
Speaking to the Caucus for Regional Security at the Israeli Knesset
@knessetisraelز According to polls in May 2026, Lebanese public opinion in support of peace with Israel has doubled to 50 percent from August 2025. Excluding the Shia, whose support is as low as 8 percent, 65 percent of Lebanese support disarming Hezbollah and peace with Israel. The Lebanese government has been saying the right things, engaging in historic direct talks and a joint agreement with Israel. Unfortunately, the Lebanese government is too weak and is further weakened by Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Turkey, and Qatar opposing and obstructing bilateral Lebanese-Israeli peace, and now apparently Washington talking to Tehran to decide Lebanon’s fate. Washington should have kept Lebanon out of the Iran deal and should press these countries to let Lebanon pursue its interests and seek bilateral peace with the Jewish state. Side note: I sit for dozens of TV interviews and webinars every week. In this session, the connection cut twice throwing me off because I couldn’t tell what went through and what did not.

TalRimmer

Today, the Prime Minister reveals his greatness in the face of President Trump's pettiness.
One cannot take away from Trump the help he provided to Israel, the transfer of the embassy to Jerusalem, the recognition of Israeli sovereignty in the West Bank, the recognition of the Golan Heights, leading the Abraham Accords, and the joint war at present.
But Trump does not live the Middle East; he does not know what revival means, or the ability to deceive and lie to your enemy as a way of life—the main thing is to buy time until your hand is on top.
He, like the entire rest of the West, lives a modern life with a desire for economic prosperity, peace, and a naive belief that agreements between parties must be kept.
Trump did not turn against Israel; he turned against the entire Western world—what will all his allies say, what will Russia/China/Turkey/Iran and all the other Muslim countries understand?
What will Taiwan say now, and Ukraine?
Therefore, Netanyahu's greatness surpasses that of the U.S. President by hundreds of times, because Trump could not hold out against the pressure from the New York Times, from fuel prices and economic pressure, and from the progressives after just 40 days!
Benjamin Netanyahu has stood against this pressure for three decades and has not yielded!!
Israel relies only on itself, and will remain a steadfast rock in the sea of nomadic desert tribes in our region.
We remain in over 50% of the Strip
We remain in Lebanon
We remain at the Hermon peak in Syria
Iran will not be nuclear, and if it tries again, Israel will strike alone and will strike again if necessary.
We need to develop military and armament independence, and Netanyahu is leading us there in giant steps.
The greatness of leaders is measured in times of crisis, and thank God we have a leader who knows how to stand like a steadfast rock and not like a wandering reed.
Benjamin Netanyahu - Steadfast Pillar