English LCCC Newsbulletin For Lebanese, Lebanese Related, Global News
& Editorials
For April 20/2026
Compiled & Prepared by: Elias Bejjani
#elias_bejjani_news
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Bible Quotations For today
Thus it is written, that the Messiah is to suffer and to rise from the dead on
the third day
Holy Gospel of Jesus Christ according to Saint Luke 24/44-49:
“Then he said to them, ‘These are my words that I spoke to you while I was still
with you that everything written about me in the law of Moses, the prophets, and
the psalms must be fulfilled. ’Then he opened their minds to understand the
scriptures, and he said to them, ‘Thus it is written, that the Messiah is to
suffer and to rise from the dead on the third day, and that repentance and
forgiveness of sins is to be proclaimed in his name to all nations, beginning
from Jerusalem. You are witnesses of these things. And see, I am sending upon
you what my Father promised; so stay here in the city until you have been
clothed with power from on high.’”
Titles For Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related
News & Editorials published on April 19-20/2026
A Reading of “President” Joseph Aoun’s
Speech: Cloning Failure in Military Garb, Fear of Naming Things, and Words
Without Action/Elias Bejjani/April 18/2026
Patriarch Rai's Statement Attacking President Trump is a Mistake and a Sin,
Reflecting Ignorance, Stupidity, Lack of Vision, and Blatant Sycophancy/Elias
Bejjani/April 15, 2026
Israel says it killed Hezbollah commander just before ceasefire
Lebanese Army restores road, bridge damaged by Israeli strikes
Israel to use 'full force' to 'protect' its troops in Lebanon
Israeli army carries out demolitions in Bint Jbeil, other towns
Syria Says Foiled Cross-Border Attack by Assad Remnants, Hezbollah
Israeli Military Publishes Map of South Lebanon Territory Under Its Control
Israeli Army Says Soldier Killed in Southern Lebanon
Lebanese Army Restores Road, Bridge Damaged by Israeli Strikes
Israel Says to Use ‘Full Force’ in Lebanon Despite Truce if Soldiers Face Threat
France’s Macron to Meet with Lebanon’s PM in Paris on Tuesday
MWL Condemns Attack on UNIFIL in Southern Lebanon
Turkey FM accuses Israel of trying to create 'fait accompli' in Lebanon
Pope Leo says ceasefire in Lebanon is 'a reason for hope'
Qassem says truce can't be one-sided, vows to respond to Israel attacks
Displaced Lebanese hesitant to return home as lasting truce uncertain
Hezbollah official says Lebanon-Israel talks 'do not concern us'
Hezbollah denies involvement in deadly attack on UN peacekeepers
Aoun, Salam discuss readiness for Israel talks
A Comparative Analysis: President Aoun, President Sadat, and the Path to
Peace/Colonel Charbel Barakat/April 19/2026
Links to several important news websites
Titles For The Latest English LCCC Miscellaneous
Reports And News published
on April 19-20/2026
Trump Says US Negotiators Will Head to Pakistan on Monday for Talks with
Iran
Trump says US going to talks, renews threat against Iran's power plants, bridges
Argentina’s Milei Says US-Israel War Against Iran ‘Right Thing to Do’
Iran Says Final Deal Still Far off as Hormuz Strait Shuttered
Iranians Expect No Post-War Respite Under Military Rule
As Iran War Strains Ties with Trump’s US, UK Looks to Europe
Türkiye ‘Optimistic’ Middle East Ceasefire Will Be Extended, Says FM
Two Foreigners Arrested in Iran for Importing Starlink Technology
Israel Re-Establishes Evacuated West Bank Settlement
Barghouti Remains Central Figure in Palestinian Politics After 24 Years in
Prison
Moroccans Protest Israel Death Penalty Law at Pro-Palestinian Rally
Links to several important news websites
on April 19-20/2026
Threatening Gulf Ports/Abdulrahman Al-Rashed/Asharq Al-Awsat/April
19/2026
Iran's Regime Is Not Iran: The War the West Refuses to Understand/Pierre Rehov/Gatestone
Institute/April 19/2026
The Third Iran/Abdel Rahman Shalgham-Former Libyan Minister of Foreign Affairs/Asharq
Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
The End of Wilayat al-Faqih, from the Hidden Imam to the Absent Leader/Dr. Adel
Al-Toraifi/Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
Jordan’s Wartime Balancing Act/Ghaith al-Omari and David Schenker/The Washington
InstituteApr 19/ 2026
The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese
Related News & Editorials published
on April 19-20/2026
A Reading of “President” Joseph Aoun’s Speech: Cloning Failure in
Military Garb, Fear of Naming Things, and Words Without Action
Elias Bejjani/April 18/2026
https://eliasbejjaninews.com/2026/04/153736/
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4KqAiQmlrq0
I. Lost Credibility: Faith Without
Works (A Dead Faith)
Yesterday, Friday, April 17, 2026, President Joseph Aoun appeared before us with
a quintessentially “wooden” speech, repeating the same old symphony of promises
from which the Lebanese have seen nothing since he took office. The “Inaugural
Address” he delivered on his election day has remained mere ink on paper, and
today he returns with rhetorical fluff devoid of any tangible executive plan.
Here, we remind him of the words from the Epistle of James: “Faith without works
is dead.” The trust of the Lebanese is not built on resonant speeches but on the
actions that Aoun completely lacks. He “talks much and does nothing,” constantly
attempting to mask his impotence behind terms like “steadfastness” and
“sacrifice,” while attacking those who oppose the terrorist Hezbollah and the
Iranian-Jihadi occupation that occupies Lebanon and sows destruction,
corruption, displacement, and impoverishment.
II. Malice, Narrow-Mindedness, and the Betrayal of Those Opposing Hezbollah’s
Occupation
The speech reveals a mindset that rejects criticism and grows weary of political
opposition. Instead of holding the party responsible for the ruin and
devastation—namely Hezbollah—accountable, Joseph Aoun poured his wrath upon the
sovereignist voices that criticized the presidency’s “cover” for the Hezbollah
mini-state. This is evident in the following phrases from his speech:
“We endured accusations… insults… slander, and misinformation”: Here, he
classifies political criticism as “insult and slander,” a military language that
brooks no debate.
“Do not allow skeptical and treacherous voices to sow division among you”: In a
bizarre irony, he labels opponents as “traitors” simply because they questioned
the utility of his choices.
“Overcome the instincts of the misleaders”: He dismisses the opposing opinion as
mere “instinct” and “misleading,” as if he holds the absolute truth.
“Do not be dragged behind those who exploit your emotions to build their glory
at the expense of your stability”: A direct accusation of opportunism and
trading on people’s pain.
This fierce attack on Hezbollah’s opponents (exclusively) proves that the man
does not write his own speeches. Instead, the task is left to a team of
“entrusted” advisors (groups tied to Berri, Hezbollah, the Syrian Social
Nationalist Party, opportunists, scribes, and Pharisees). Through this language,
they aim to silence any voice demanding the reclamation of the state from its
kidnappers—the Iranian-Shia Duo. His statements are issued in a vengeful tone
toward “Sovereignists,” while remaining “cowardly” and appeasing toward the Shia
Duo and their masters, the Mullahs of Iran. This confirms he is fully tied to
the interests of the Duo’s system and the opportunistic advisors who surround
him—with his consent—shielding him from the reality of the situation.
III. Cowardice in Naming the “Internal Enemy”
In a predictable sovereignist failure, Joseph Aoun did not dare mention the name
“Hezbollah” a single time in his lengthy speech. He utilized vague, generalizing
language, avoiding the naming of the party that has violated Lebanon’s
sovereignty and its decisions on war and peace. Although the party—by
international, legal, and local (Cabinet) decisions—represents an entity outside
the state’s legitimacy, Aoun preferred to flee forward. This confirms he remains
a silent (or coerced) partner in an alliance that places the party’s interests
above those of the nation, stripping him of the title of “Sovereign President.”
IV. Linguistic Acrobatics and Fleeing the Obligation of Peace
Aoun used an “acrobatic” expression when he said: “I am ready to go anywhere to
liberate my land and protect my people.” This is a pathetic attempt to emulate
historical leaders (like Sadat) without possessing their courage. Had Aoun been
serious about “saving his country,” he would have had the courage to say
explicitly: “I will go to the White House and meet Netanyahu, and I will go to
Israel if necessary to end the cycle of death and conclude a permanent peace.”
But, true to form, he prefers the gray zone to appease Nabih Berri, Hezbollah,
and Iran, confirming he remains in their political trench and has never stepped
out from under their cloak.
V. The “Let Us Congratulate” Groups: Okazis of a Wretched Time
One cannot read the echoes of President Joseph Aoun’s speech without pausing at
the choir of “clappers” from the political class, “party corporations,” and the
rabble of media mouthpieces and cymbals who rushed to issue statements of praise
and support. These represent the “Qumwa Ta Nehni” (Arise, let us congratulate)
mentality—a quintessentially opportunistic Lebanese mindset where everyone
rushes to praise whoever sits on the throne without any self-respect or
objective analysis. We are witnessing an “Okazi” scene (referring to the
historic Souk Okaz), but a low-end political version of it. In the past, poets
sold praise and blame for dinars; today, we see these politicians like the
“repliers” in Lebanese Zajal troupes, improvising praise for Aoun’s speech to
guarantee their place in the paradise of power or to satisfy the “entrusted”
advisors. Their “Zajal-like” statements lack any credibility; they are merely
opportunistic rituals that do not seriously address the issues, but settle for
echoing the “President” and those behind him from the de facto powers (Berri and
Hezbollah).
Final Conclusion
The scene is now complete: a President drowned in rhetoric, advisors passing the
agendas of external axes, an opposition being betrayed rather than heard, and a
“Zajal” troupe applauding the void. The speech of April 17, 2026, was not
“salvation”; it was a confirmation that power in Lebanon remains a prisoner of a
gray-zone mentality and disguised dependency, and that the true “man of the
hour” has yet to emerge.
Patriarch Rai's Statement
Attacking President Trump is a Mistake and a Sin, Reflecting Ignorance,
Stupidity, Lack of Vision, and Blatant Sycophancy
Elias Bejjani/April 15, 2026
https://eliasbejjaninews.com/2026/04/153648/
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2JJgrnAhAn8
The statement issued yesterday by Maronite Patriarch Bechara Rai, in which he
attacked U.S. President Donald Trump under the guise of defending the sanctity
of Pope Leo, is both a mistake and a sin. It is misplaced politically and
contextually; rather, it once again reveals a deep crisis in credibility and
vision.
The most dangerous aspect of this statement is not just its content, but the
motive behind it. According to reports circulating in well-informed Lebanese
circles, it appears to be an attempt at flattery and a plea for favor from the
Vatican and the Pope. This comes amid increasing talk of dissatisfaction within
high ecclesiastical circles regarding Rai's performance, and even reports that
he was asked to resign and the banning of secretary, lawyer Walid Ghayyad from
any public appearance during the Pope’s recent visit to Lebanon. This places the
statement within a personal and sycophantic framework that has nothing to do
with faith, principles, or ethics.
Regarding his track record, since his election in 2011, Rai has not provided a
model of a clear sovereignist patriarch. In his first week, he visited Sheikh
Mohammad Yazbek in Baalbek, the then-representative of the Iranian Supreme
Leader in Lebanon. From there, he attacked the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL)
investigating the assassination of PM, Rafik Hariri, in a move that constituted
flagrant political bias.
Later, he visited the criminal head of the Syrian regime, Bashar al-Assad,
without achieving any tangible results, particularly regarding the file of
Lebanese detainees in Syrian prisons. Driven by jealousy and envy of the
achievements of the late Patriarch Mar Nasrallah Sfeir, he then attempted to
create a political framework similar to "Qornet Shehwan" by gathering political
and religious figures affiliated with the Syrian regime and Hezbollah; failure
was inevitable. Additionally, in his early days as Patriarch, he dispatched
Father Abdo Abou Kasam to participate on his behalf in "Quds Day" in Iran.
During his European, American, and Canadian tours, he did not hesitate to
shamelessly and foolishly promote Bashar al-Assad's regime under the slogan of
"protecting Christians," ignoring the bloody facts known to everyone.
Internally, his performance has been no better. Serious suspicions have been
raised regarding the management of church properties, specifically the
allocation of church lands. A prominent example is the circulating reports that
he granted a piece of church land near Bkerke to his secretary, Walid Ghayyad,
who built a palace on it in clear violation of ecclesiastical laws, sparking
widespread resentment within church circles and the community.
Politically, his positions have been characterized by appeasement from the
start, especially toward Hezbollah. Clear sovereignist stances have been absent,
replaced by a "gray" rhetoric that does not align with the historical role of
Bkerke.
In light of all this, his latest statement merely reinforces the same approach:
biased, flowery rhetoric that oversteps the spiritual role for the sake of
political posturing, attacking an elected president while ignoring the
priorities of Lebanon and its people.
This statement adds nothing to the value of defending the Pope. On the contrary,
it harms the cause because the person issuing it suffers from a clear crisis of
trust, and his positions are surrounded by much doubt.
Conclusion: Patriarch Rai's statement is nothing more than a weak political
stance driven by personal calculations and attempts at flattery. It lacks
credibility and vision and, therefore, holds no actual value on a national or
moral level.
Israel
says it killed Hezbollah commander just before ceasefire
Associated Press/April 19/2026
The Israeli army says it carried out a series of strikes that killed more than
150 Hezbollah fighters just before the ceasefire. Among those killed was Ali
Rida Abbas, which it said was Hezbollah’s commander in Bint Jbeil. The southern
Lebanese town and its surroundings were the site of intense clashes between
Israeli troops and Hezbollah militants in the days leading up to the ceasefire.
Israel gave no evidence to support its claims, and Hezbollah didn't immediately
confirm the death of its commander. The ceasefire took effect early Friday.
Lebanese Army restores road, bridge damaged by Israeli
strikes
Agence France Presse/April 19/2026
Lebanon's military said Sunday it had reopened a road and bridge damaged by
Israeli strikes in the country's south, as a 10-day truce holds between
Hezbollah and Israel. In a statement, the military said it "fully reopened" a
road linking the city of Nabatieh with the Khardali area, and had "partially
reopened the Burj Rahal-Tyre bridge"."Work is also underway to rehabilitate the
Tayr Falsay-Tyre bridge... following damage caused by the Israeli aggression,"
the army added. Israeli strikes on bridges that cross Lebanon's Litani river,
which flows around 30 kilometwrs (20 miles) north of Israel, have largely cut
off the area south of the waterway from the rest of Lebanon, according to the
army. On Friday a ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon took effect after the
first direct talks between the two sides in decades, bringing a pause to weeks
of fighting between Israel and Hezbollah that has killed nearly 2,300 people and
displaced more than a million. Since the truce began, Lebanon's military and
local authorities have been working to reopen roads that were blocked due to
Israeli strikes. The vital Qasmiyeh bridge was also reopened on Friday morning,
allowing countless people displaced from southern Lebanon by the fighting to
return to the area and check on their property. However, many residents have
remained hesitant to venture back with the longevity of the truce uncertain. On
Saturday, an AFP correspondent in the southern city of Sidon saw heavy traffic
heading to Beirut as displaced southerners returned to temporary homes and
shelters in the capital after briefly visiting southern areas. Earlier that day,
Hezbollah official Mahmoud Qmati warned that "Israeli treachery is expected at
any time, and this is a temporary truce.""Take a breath, relax a little, but do
not abandon the places you have taken refuge in until we are completely
reassured about your return," he said. The Israeli military has carried out
strikes and demolitions in southern Lebanon despite the truce. It also said
Saturday that it had established a "yellow line", similar to one in the
Palestinian territory of Gaza that separates Israeli forces from areas held by
militant group Hamas.
Israel to use 'full force' to 'protect' its troops in Lebanon
Agence France Presse/April 19/2026
Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said Sunday that the military had been
instructed to use "full force" in Lebanon -- even during the ongoing ceasefire
-- should Israeli troops face any threat. "Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and
I have instructed the IDF (army) to act with full force, both on the ground and
from the air, including during the ceasefire, in order to protect our soldiers
in Lebanon from any threat," Katz said at a function in the occupied West Bank.
He said that the military had also been ordered "to remove the houses in the
(frontline) villages near the border that served in every respect as Hezbollah
terror outposts and threatened Israeli communities," Katz added.
Israeli army carries out demolitions in Bint Jbeil, other towns
Agence France Presse/April 19/2026
Israeli forces on Saturday carried out demolitions in the southern Lebanese town
of Bint Jbeil, the scene of intense fighting with Hezbollah prior to the
recently agreed 10-day truce, Lebanese state media reported. "The Israeli enemy
is repeating its house detonating operations in the town of Bint Jbeil,"
Lebanon's state-run National News Agency (NNA) said, also reporting demolitions
in other border towns where Israeli troops are present. Bint Jbeil, located
around five kilometers north of the Israeli border, had been the scene of heavy
fighting between Israeli forces and Hezbollah for days before the truce went
into force at midnight on Thursday. The town has long been both a symbolic and
strategic flashpoint in confrontations between Israel and Hezbollah. It was the
site of some of the fiercest fighting during the 2006 war, when Hezbollah's
resistance there became central to the group's narrative of defiance. And it was
from the stadium in Bint Jbeil in 2000 that the group's former chief Sayyed
Hassan Nasrallah delivered his "Liberation" speech following Israel's withdrawal
from southern Lebanon after 22 years of occupation. Israeli Defense Minister
Israel Katz has previously said house demolitions would be carried out "in order
to remove once and for all the border-adjacent threats" as part of efforts to
establish a security zone in south Lebanon. His Lebanese counterpart Michel
Menassa decried the plans as evidence of an intention to "forcibly displace
hundreds of thousands of citizens, and systematically destroy villages."
After a November 2024 ceasefire sought to end the last conflict between Israel
and Hezbollah -- during which Nasrallah and other top leaders were killed --
Israeli troops also carried out a series of demolitions in certain towns.
Syria Says Foiled Cross-Border Attack by Assad Remnants,
Hezbollah
Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
Syria's interior ministry said Sunday that security forces thwarted an alleged
cross-border attack from the country's territory planned by remnants of ousted
leader Bashar al-Assad and cells linked to Iran-backed Hezbollah. From March 2
until a 10-day ceasefire went into force on April 17, Hezbollah was battling
Israel after drawing Lebanon into the Middle East war with rocket fire aimed at
Israel in support of Tehran. In a statement, the interior ministry said security
forces "arrested members of a sabotage cell" linked to Hezbollah and Assad
remnants. The ministry said the cell "was working to carry out an attack from
inside Syrian territory on targets outside the borders" from Quneitra province,
which borders Israel. Syria's official SANA news agency, quoting an interior
ministry source, said Hezbollah "intended to launch missiles across the border
with the aim of destabilizing the country". Syrian authorities are hostile to
Hezbollah as the group played a key role in Syria's civil war that ended in
2024, fighting alongside the forces of now ousted leader Bashar al-Assad. The
ministry said the Quneitra incident was the latest among "several attempts to
destabilize the country and undermine public security" involving remnants of the
former regime and unscrupulous individuals linked to Hezbollah". Last week,
Damascus accused Hezbollah of being linked to a cell that attempted to plant an
explosive device in front of a house belonging to an unidentified religious
figure in the Bab Tuma area of the Syrian capital. But the group denied the
ministry's claims last week, saying they were "false and fabricated". Hezbollah
said it has "no activity, no ties and no relationship with any party in Syria,
and has no presence on Syrian soil". The group called on Syrian authorities "to
conduct a thorough investigation before making accusations without evidence". It
blamed "the presence of intelligence services" on Syrian soil that it said were
"seeking to inflame tensions between Lebanon and Syria". In February, Syria said
it had dismantled a cell responsible for recent attacks targeting Damascus's
Mazzeh district, claiming the weapons came from Hezbollah, which denied any
involvement. Under Assad, Syria was part of Iran's "axis of resistance"
against Israel and enabled the transfer of weapons and money from Iran to
Hezbollah. But since taking over, Syria's new authorities have rejected Iranian
influence.
Israeli Military Publishes Map of South Lebanon Territory
Under Its Control
Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
The Israeli military published for the first time a map of its new deployment
line inside Lebanon on Sunday, bringing dozens of mostly abandoned Lebanese
villages under its control, days after a ceasefire with Hezbollah took effect.
There was no immediate comment from Lebanese officials or from Iran-backed
Hezbollah. Israel and Lebanon agreed on Thursday to a US-backed ceasefire in
fighting between Israel and Hezbollah. The deal, which followed the first direct
talks in decades between Israel and Lebanon on April 14, is meant to enable
broader US-Iran negotiations but with Israeli forces maintaining positions deep
inside southern Lebanon. Stretching east to west, the deployment line on the
map runs 5-10 km deep from the border into Lebanese territory, where Israel
has said that it plans to create a so-called buffer zone. Israeli forces have
destroyed Lebanese villages in the area, saying their aim is to protect northern
Israeli towns from Hezbollah attacks.It has created buffer zones in Syria and in
Gaza, where it controls more than half the enclave. "Five divisions, alongside
Israeli Navy forces, are operating simultaneously south of the forward defense
line in southern Lebanon in order to dismantle Hezbollah terror infrastructure
sites and to prevent direct threats to communities in northern Israel," the
military said in a statement accompanying the map. Asked whether people who fled
the Israeli strikes would be allowed to return to their homes, the Israeli
military declined to comment. Lebanese civilians have been able to access some
of the villages that fall on or beyond the Israeli-set line, but Israeli forces
still prevent people from accessing most of those south of the line, a Lebanese
security source said. Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said on Sunday that
homes on the border exploited by Hezbollah would be demolished and that "any
structure threatening our soldiers and any road suspected of (being planted
with) explosives must be immediately destroyed". Lebanon was dragged into the
war on March 2, when Hezbollah opened fire in support of Tehran, prompting an
Israeli offensive that has killed more than 2,100 people, including 177
children, and forced more than 1.2 million to flee, Lebanese authorities say.
Hezbollah has not disclosed its casualty figures. At least 400 of its fighters
had been killed by the end of March, according to sources close to the group.
Hezbollah has fired hundreds of rockets and drones at Israel. Its attacks killed
two civilians in Israel while 15 Israeli soldiers have died in Lebanon since
March 2, Israel says.
Israeli Army Says Soldier Killed in Southern Lebanon
Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
Israel's military said on Sunday that a soldier died during combat in southern
Lebanon, where a temporary ceasefire had come into effect this week. "Lidor
Porat, aged 31, from Ashdod, a soldier in the 7106th Battalion, 769th Regional
Brigade, fell during combat in southern Lebanon," the Israeli military said in a
statement, without providing further details. The total Israeli army death toll
in the six-week war between Israel and Hezbollah was now 15, according to an AFP
tally based on military figures. It was the second death announced by Israel of
a soldier in southern Lebanon since the start of a ten-day truce announced by
the United States began on Friday -- part of wider efforts to bring a permanent
end to the Middle East war. The latest round of fighting in Lebanon -- one of
the fronts in the regional war -- had begun on March 2 when Tehran-backed
Hezbollah launched rocket attacks on Israel to avenge the death of its supreme
leader in the opening wave of Israeli-US strikes on Iran. Israel then responded
with a strikes it said targeted Hezbollah in Beirut and the southern parts of
the country where it had also launched a ground operation.
Lebanese Army Restores Road, Bridge Damaged by Israeli Strikes
Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
Lebanon's military said Sunday it had reopened a road and bridge damaged by
Israeli strikes in the country's south, as a 10-day truce holds between
Hezbollah and Israel. In a statement, the military said it "fully reopened" a
road linking the city of Nabatieh with the Khardali area, and had "partially
reopened the Burj Rahal-Tyre bridge". "Work is also underway to rehabilitate the
Tayr Falsay-Tyre bridge... following damage caused by the Israeli aggression,"
the army added. Israeli strikes on bridges that cross Lebanon's Litani river,
which flows around 30 kilometers (20 miles) north of Israel, have largely cut
off the area south of the waterway from the rest of Lebanon, according to the
army. On Friday a ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon took effect after the
first direct talks between the two sides in decades, bringing a pause to weeks
of fighting between Israel and Hezbollah that has killed nearly 2,300 people and
displaced more than a million. Since the truce began, Lebanon's military and
local authorities have been working to reopen roads that were blocked due to
Israeli strikes. The vital Qasmiyeh bridge was also reopened on Friday morning,
allowing countless people displaced from southern Lebanon by the fighting to
return to the area and check on their property. However, many residents have
remained hesitant to venture back with the longevity of the truce uncertain.On
Saturday, an AFP correspondent in the southern city of Sidon saw heavy traffic
heading to Beirut as displaced southerners returned to temporary homes and
shelters in the capital after briefly visiting southern areas.Earlier that day,
Hezbollah official Mahmud Qamati warned that "Israeli treachery is expected at
any time, and this is a temporary truce"."Take a breath, relax a little, but do
not abandon the places you have taken refuge in until we are completely
reassured about your return," he said.The Israeli military has carried out
strikes and demolitions in southern Lebanon despite the truce. It also said
Saturday that it had established a "yellow line", similar to one in the
Palestinian territory of Gaza that separates Israeli forces from areas held by
the Hamas group.
Israel Says to Use ‘Full Force’ in Lebanon Despite Truce if
Soldiers Face Threat
Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said Sunday that the military had been
instructed to use "full force" in Lebanon -- even during the ongoing ceasefire
-- should Israeli troops face any threat. "Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and
I have instructed the Israeli army to act with full force, both on the ground
and from the air, including during the ceasefire, in order to protect our
soldiers in Lebanon from any threat," Katz said at a function in the occupied
West Bank. He said that the military had also been ordered to demolish any
structure or roads that were "booby-trapped" and threatened soldiers. The aim is
"to remove the houses in the villages near the border that served in every
respect as Hezbollah terror outposts and threatened Israeli communities," Katz
added. An Israeli soldier was killed in southern Lebanon on Friday -- the day a
10-day ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon came into effect -- when he entered
a booby-trapped building, the military reported. Katz has repeatedly said Israel
would demolish houses along the border as part of efforts to establish a
security zone in southern Lebanon. On Saturday, Israeli forces carried out
demolitions in the town of Bint Jbeil, the scene of intense fighting with
Hezbollah prior to the recently agreed ceasefire. "The overarching goal of the
campaign in Lebanon is the disarmament of Hezbollah and the removal of threat to
northern communities, through a combination of military and diplomatic
measures," Katz said. "If the Lebanese government continues to fail to uphold
its obligations -- the army will do so through continued military action."
Lebanon was drawn into the Middle East war in early March when the Tehran-backed
Hezbollah launched rockets towards Israel in support of Iran. Israel responded
with massive strikes across Lebanon and an invasion of southern Lebanon.
France’s Macron to Meet with Lebanon’s PM in Paris on Tuesday
Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
French President Emmanuel Macron will on Tuesday meet with Lebanese Prime
Minister Nawaf Salam in Paris, his office announced, amidst a fragile 10-day
truce between Israel and Iran-backed Hezbollah.The visit highlights Macron's
commitment to seeing "full and complete respect for the ceasefire in Lebanon" as
well as France's support for Lebanon's "territorial integrity", the president's
office said on Sunday. Israel and Lebanon on Thursday agreed to a 10-day
ceasefire to give time to negotiate an end to six weeks of fighting between
Israel and the group.The visit was announced a day after France blamed Hezbollah
for an ambush on UN peacekeepers which left one French soldier dead and three
others wounded. Macron is to urge Lebanese authorities to "shed full light on
the incident" and "identify and prosecute those responsible without delay," his
office added. An initial assessment by the United Nations Interim Force in
Lebanon (UNIFIL) found the attack was carried out by Hezbollah, according to UN
Secretary-General Antonio Guterres. "UNIFIL soldiers, who are carrying out their
missions in difficult conditions and supporting the delivery of humanitarian aid
to southern Lebanon, must under no circumstances be targeted," the Elysee said.
Hezbollah -- which strongly opposes to the planned Lebanon-Israel talks --
denied involvement in the attack that killed the French peacekeeper. The
fighting in Lebanon has seen UNIFIL positions repeatedly targeted by Israeli and
Hezbollah forces.
MWL Condemns Attack on UNIFIL in
Southern Lebanon
Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
The Muslim World League (MWL) condemned the attack targeting the French
battalion of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) in southern
Lebanon, reported the Saudi Press Agency on Sunday. In a statement, MWL
Secretary-General and Chairman of the Organization of Muslim Scholars Sheikh Dr.
Mohammed Al-Issa reiterated the organization’s condemnation of attacks on UN
agencies and their missions, as part of its broader rejection of all acts of
violence and terrorism. Al-Issa noted that the attack breaches international
obligations concerning the safety and security of UN personnel. He offered
condolences to the victims and wished the injured a speedy recovery. A UN
peacekeeping force in southern Lebanon came under attack with small arms fire
Saturday morning, leaving one French peacekeeper dead and three others wounded,
two of them seriously, France's president and the force known as UNIFIL said.
Both President Emmanuel Macron and the UNIFIL force blamed Hezbollah, but the
group denied involvement. The attack near the southern Lebanese village of
Ghandouriyeh came after a 10-day ceasefire went into effect at midnight Thursday
between Israel and Hezbollah.
Turkey FM accuses Israel of trying to create 'fait accompli' in Lebanon
Agence France Presse/April 19/2026
Turkey on Sunday accused Israel of seeking to create a "fait accompli" in
Lebanon despite an agreed ceasefire, with the foreign minister denouncing
"Israeli expansionism"."The ongoing Iran–United States negotiations seem to be
overshadowing this situation (in Lebanon). Israel appears to be trying to take
advantage of this distraction to create a fait accompli," Hakan Fidan said. On
Saturday, Fidan said Israel was attempting to occupy new territories.
Pope Leo says ceasefire in Lebanon is 'a reason for hope'
Associated Press/April 19/2026
Speaking at the end of his Mass in Kilamba, Angola, Pope Leo said the ceasefire
between Israel and Hezbollah was a “sign of relief for the Lebanese people.”He
said: “I encourage those who have been committed to the search for a diplomatic
solution to continue peace talks so that the end of hostilities throughout the
Middle East becomes permanent.”Leo said he prays for a permanent ending of
hostilities in the Middle East.The pope is on an 11-day, four-nation African
journey that has been characterized by repeated appeals for peace.
Qassem says truce can't be one-sided, vows to respond to Israel attacks
Agence France Presse/April 19/2026
Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem said overnight that the ongoing 10-day truce with
Israel cannot be one-sided, vowing that his fighters would respond to Israeli
attacks on Lebanon. "A ceasefire means a complete cessation of all hostilities.
Because we do not trust this enemy, the resistance fighters will remain in the
field with their hands on the trigger, and they will respond to violations
accordingly," Qassem said in a statement read out on TV. "There is no ceasefire
from the side of the resistance only, it must be from both sides."He also
offered his first reaction since the ceasefire went into force at midnight on
Thursday (2100 GMT), with the terms shared by the U.S. State Department. Qassem
called it "an insult to our country and our homeland, Lebanon, that America
dictates its text and speaks on behalf of the Lebanese government." The truce
came days after Lebanon and Israel's ambassadors to the U.S. met in Washington
ahead of planned direct negotiations between the two countries, the first in
decades. "Enough of subjecting Lebanon to these humiliations by negotiating
directly with the Israeli enemy and listening to its dictates, and by the
shameful spectacle in Washington," Qassem said.
Tehran-backed Hezbollah drew Lebanon into the Middle East conflict on March 2 by
attacking Israel to avenge the killing of Iran's supreme leader, prompting waves
of Israeli airstrikes and a ground invasion in the south.
Qassem expressed "gratitude" to Iran "for their support and assistance," saying
the country kept the Strait of Hormuz closed until a truce was reached in
Lebanon. Iran's military declared the Strait of Hormuz closed again on Saturday,
after a brief reopening, in response to a U.S. blockade of its ports.
The Lebanese government has taken several unprecedented steps against Hezbollah
over the past year, including vowing to disarm it and outlawing its military
activities. Hezbollah has rejected these moves, but Qassem maintained his group
was "open to the fullest cooperation with the Lebanese authorities, embarking on
a new chapter... and utilizing our strengths within a national security
strategy."
Displaced Lebanese hesitant to return home as lasting truce
uncertain
Agence France Presse/April 19/2026
After the ceasefire in Lebanon took hold, Samah Hajoul headed back to her
apartment in Beirut's southern suburbs -- but only long enough to grab fresh
clothes, feeling safer in her tent as she wonders whether the truce will last.
"I am afraid to return to my home because the situation is not stable yet," the
displaced mother of four told AFP from her campsite on the capital's seafront.
The ceasefire, which entered its second day Saturday, has granted many people
the chance to check on their homes in areas where Hezbollah holds sway, like the
southern suburbs, which were heavily bombed by Israel.
Hajoul found her apartment lightly damaged, with broken windows, but was only
there to "bathe the children and get summer clothes" as temperatures started to
rise. "We do not feel safe to return, for fear that something might happen at
night and I would not be able to carry my children and flee with them," she
added. Hajoul had to leave her neighborhood when Hezbollah drew Lebanon into the
Middle East conflict on March 2 with rocket attacks on Israel, prompting
widespread Israeli airstrikes and a ground invasion in the country's south. Like
many other displaced residents, Hajoul was waiting to "see what happens" at the
end of the 10-day truce before deciding whether to go back. "If the ceasefire is
consolidated, we will return to our homes," she said. In the heavily bombed
suburbs, neighborhoods were still largely empty on Saturday, aside from those
making quick visits to their homes, according to an AFP correspondent. Among
them was Hassan, 29, who only picked up a few things before returning to a
school turned government shelter. Hassan, who only gave his first name, pointed
to "tension" surrounding Israeli strikes in the south and Iran's announcement it
was again closing the Strait of Hormuz, rattling the ongoing ceasefire in the
broader war. With both Israel and Hezbollah accusing each other of breaching the
truce in Lebanon, Hassan said "there is no indication that there is a
solution.""We are afraid that if we return to the suburbs we will lose our place
in the school to which we were displaced."
'A temporary truce' -
Israeli attacks on Lebanon killed nearly 2,300 people over the course of the war
and displaced more than a million, according to Lebanese authorities, mostly
from southern Lebanon and Beirut's southern suburbs. On Saturday, senior
Hezbollah official Mahmoud Qmati did little to reassure the displaced when he
warned that "Israeli treachery is expected at any time, and this is a temporary
truce." "Take a breath, relax a little, but do not abandon the places you have
taken refuge in until we are completely reassured about your return" to your
homes, he said. AFP photographers saw heavy traffic heading south from Beirut in
the morning, and similarly heavy traffic returning to the capital in the
afternoon. According to local media and residents, Israeli forces continue to
carry out demolition and bombing operations on homes in several border villages.
The Israeli army on Saturday said it attacked "terrorists in several areas in
southern Lebanon", noting that the military was authorized to take action
against imminent threats in spite of the ceasefire.
'They will return' -
Lebanese authorities hope the consolidation of the ceasefire will allow the
displaced to return to their homes and compel Israeli troops to withdraw from
the south. The Israeli military said Saturday it had established a "Yellow Line"
in southern Lebanon, similar to the one separating its forces from territory
still held by Hamas in Gaza. In the south, Lebanon's military and local bodies
have been working to open roads that were blocked due to Israeli strikes since
the early hours of the ceasefire.In Hanawayh, east of the southern city of Tyre,
deputy mayor Mustapha Bazzoun pledged to "restore life by securing all services,
from communications to opening roads, so that people can return to their normal
lives as quickly as possible.""People are returning, but cautiously. We are
working based on the idea that their return will be permanent. They may leave
temporarily, but they will return later."
Hezbollah official says Lebanon-Israel talks 'do not
concern us'
Agence France Presse/April 19/2026
Senior Hezbollah official Mahmoud Qamati said that his group was not concerned
by Lebanon's planned direct talks with Israel, labelling them a failure. In a
press conference in Beirut's southern suburbs, Qmati said his group was "not
concerned with the negotiations being conducted by the state," saying they were
"a failure, weak, defeated... and submissive negotiations.""The resistance is
the one that imposes. We are the land... and we are the ones who draw up the
decisions, not those who have an official status," he said, adding that while
his group did not mind Beirut "coordinating with us... not in this way that
leads to surrender."
Hezbollah denies involvement in deadly attack on UN
peacekeepers
Agence France Presse/April 19/2026
Hezbollah on Saturday denied it was involved in a deadly attack on United
Nations peacekeepers (UNIFIL) in southern Lebanon, after France accused the
group of being behind the incident. "Hezbollah denies any connection to the
incident that occurred with UNIFIL forces in the Ghandouriyeh-Bint Jbeil area,
and calls for caution in making judgments and assigning responsibilities
regarding the incident pending the Lebanese army's investigations to determine
the full circumstances of the incident," the group said in a statement. One
peacekeeper was killed and three others wounded from the French battalion, with
Paris blaming Hezbollah.
Aoun, Salam discuss readiness for Israel talks
Agence France Presse/April 19/2026
Lebanon's president and prime minister have discussed preparations for the first
direct negotiations with Israel in decades. In a statement, the office of
President Joseph Aoun said he and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam conducted "an
assessment of the post-ceasefire phase and the ongoing efforts to consolidate
it," and discussed "Lebanese readiness for the anticipated negotiations" with
Israel. Their meeting came a day after a strongly-worded speech to the nation
from Aoun stating that the country was entering a new phase to work on
"permanent agreements" with Israel and insisting that direct talks were not a
"concession" -- an apparent rebuttal of Hezbollah criticism. The 10-day
ceasefire seeking to end more than six weeks of war between Hezbollah and Israel
has been in place since midnight on Thursday (2100 GMT) after being announced by
U.S. President Donald Trump. More than 2,300 people were killed in Israeli
attacks in Lebanon and more than a were million displaced. Iran-backed Hezbollah
and its supporters strongly oppose the negotiations, and have rejected several
government decisions over the past year, including Beirut's commitment to
disarming the group in 2025. Addressing Aoun at a press conference in Beirut's
southern suburbs, senior Hezbollah official Mahmoud Qmati said the president
"does not respect" Lebanon. "Defeated, you go to the Israelis and Americans,
let's see what you will get out of it." During his meeting with Aoun, Salam
expressed hope that "the displaced will be able to return safely to their homes
as soon as possible after the ceasefire holds."He stressed that the government
was working to "facilitate this return, especially by repairing the destroyed
bridges, opening roads, and providing supplies in the areas where the return
will be safe and possible."
A
Comparative Analysis: President Aoun, President Sadat, and the Path to Peace
Colonel Charbel Barakat/April 19/2026
This analysis examines the current position of President Aoun of Lebanon in
light of comparisons to the late Egyptian President Anwar Sadat's historic peace
initiative. While some draw parallels between their bold approaches to conflict
resolution, it's crucial to assess the nuances of their respective situations
and the broader political contexts.
President Sadat's decision to pursue peace in exchange for land was a watershed
moment. A key figure in the Free Officers Movement alongside President Gamal
Abdel Nasser, Sadat inherited a nation grappling with the repercussions of
expansionist policies. Nasser's interventions, including the 1958 involvement in
Lebanon and the costly Yemen campaign, culminated in the devastating 1967 war,
which saw Egypt lose the Sinai Peninsula and suffer severe military setbacks.
Recognizing the imperative to prioritize Egypt's national interests, Sadat
strategically refocused on domestic rebuilding, revitalizing the armed forces to
negotiate from a position of strength. The successful crossing of the Suez Canal
in 1973 significantly enhanced Egypt's international standing, paving the way
for Sadat's historic visit to Israel in 1977. This courageous diplomatic
endeavor garnered immense global support and ultimately led to the return of the
entire Sinai in exchange for a peace agreement.
In contrast, President Aoun's tenure has unfolded amidst a complex internal and
regional landscape. While acknowledged for his prior service as a valiant
officer and army commander during a challenging period, his presidency has been
marked by a perceived lack of decisive leadership concerning the influence of an
Iranian-backed party within Lebanon. This party, having sustained significant
losses during recent conflicts, might have presented an opportunity for the
Lebanese state to reassert its authority, disarm militias, and foster stability
by normalizing relations with neighboring Israel.
However, from the outset of his presidency, General Aoun's actions have been
described as hesitant. This hesitation, the text suggests, allowed the
Iranian-backed group to reconstitute itself, receive funding, and integrate
Revolutionary Guard officers into its command structure. This effectively left
the Lebanese state as a facade, with its institutions undermined. The subsequent
escalation of conflict in the South, despite army deployment, highlights the
deep-seated challenges to state sovereignty, as rockets were launched from
supposedly secured areas, leading to civilian displacement and a continued state
of upheaval.
In the wake of these setbacks, President Aoun faces significant pressure to
negotiate. Despite apparent international endorsement and a lack of objection
from Israel regarding potential peace talks, he appears to be apprehensive about
fully committing to this path. While he has publicly acknowledged Lebanon's
intention to negotiate on its own behalf—a significant departure from previous
stances—he has not explicitly articulated a vision for peace, unlike President
Sadat.
The text further notes internal resistance to President Aoun's potential shift
towards peace. The Iranian-backed party, despite its own vulnerabilities and
calls for a ceasefire, has reportedly threatened President Aoun, drawing
parallels to Sadat's assassination. Additionally, Speaker
Berri is depicted as actively undermining President Aoun's position, attempting
to fracture Lebanese unity and align with Iranian interests, thereby exposing a
long-standing pattern of destabilizing influence on Lebanese institutions.
Ultimately, the analysis concludes that President Aoun is unlikely to embark on
a transformative peace initiative akin to Sadat's. Instead, he is predicted to
seek ambiguous diplomatic avenues, potentially driven by hesitation and fear,
which are attributed to Iranian influence. The text posits that despite
favorable conditions for extricating Lebanon from its prolonged crises,
including those stemming from the Cairo Agreement and successive periods of
occupation, a lack of clear vision and courage prevents a decisive move towards
peace.
If President Aoun were to genuinely emulate Sadat, he would pursue direct
negotiations with Israeli leadership, regardless of location, to chart a course
toward peace for Lebanon. This could involve adhering to agreements like the May
17, 1983 accord, opening borders, and establishing defense cooperation,
potentially through a joint treaty with the United States, similar to Qatar's
arrangements. Such actions, the text argues, would secure Lebanon's future,
foster development, and put an end to both regional and distant external
interventions. However, the current Lebanese presidency is seen as lacking the
necessary courage and foresight for such a historic undertaking.
Links to several
important news websites
National News Agency (Lebanon)
https://www.nna-leb.gov.lb/ar
Nidaa Al Watan
https://www.nidaalwatan.com/
MTV Lebanon
https://www.mtv.com.lb/
Voice of Lebanon
https://www.vdl.me/
Asas Media
https://asasmedia.com/
Naharnet
https://www.naharnet.com/
Al Markazia News Agency
https://almarkazia.com/ar
LBCI (English)
https://www.lbcgroup.tv/news/en
LBCI (Arabic)
https://www.lbcgroup.tv/news/ar
Janoubia Website
https://www.lbcgroup.tv/news/ar
Kataeb Party Official Website
https://www.kataeb.org
The Latest English LCCC Miscellaneous Reports And News published
on April 19-20/2026
Trump Says US Negotiators Will Head
to Pakistan on Monday for Talks with Iran
Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
President Donald Trump said US negotiators will head to Pakistan on Monday for
another round of talks with Iran, raising hopes of extending a fragile ceasefire
set to expire by Wednesday even as Washington and Tehran remain in a standoff
over the Strait of Hormuz. Iran did not immediately confirm the talks but its
chief negotiator, parliament speaker Mohammed Bagher Qalibaf, said in an
interview aired on state television late Saturday that “there will be no retreat
in the field of diplomacy,” while acknowledging a wide gap remained between the
sides. The White House said Vice President JD Vance, who led the first round of
historic face-to-face talks last weekend, would lead the delegation to Pakistan
with envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner. Pakistani authorities began
tightening security in Islamabad. A regional official involved in the efforts
said mediators were finalizing preparations and US advance security teams were
already on the ground. The official spoke on condition of anonymity because they
weren’t authorized to discuss preparations with the media.Iran on Saturday said
it had received new proposals from the United States. It was unclear whether
either side had shifted stances on issues that derailed the last round of
negotiations, including Iran’s nuclear enrichment program, its regional proxies
and control over the Strait of Hormuz. Trump's announcement repeated his threats
against Iranian infrastructure that have drawn widespread criticism and warnings
of war crimes. If Iran doesn't agree to the US-proposed deal, "the United States
is going to knock out every single Power Plant, and every single Bridge, in
Iran,” he wrote. Iran says transits of the Strait of Hormuz are ‘impossible’
Ships remained unable to transit the critical waterway amid threats from Iran
and a US blockade on ships heading to and from Iranian ports. Roughly one-fifth
of the world’s oil trade normally passes through the strait, and the global
energy crisis threatened to deepen as the war is now in its eighth week.
Iranian officials earlier on Sunday held firm that ships wouldn't pass while the
US blockade remained in effect. “It is impossible for others to pass through the
Strait of Hormuz while we cannot,” Qalibaf said. In his post about talks, Trump
accused Iran of violating the ceasefire by firing at ships transiting the
strait. Iran has called the US blockade a violation, and foreign ministry
spokesperson Esmaeil Baqaei on Sunday called it an “act of aggression.”Iran had
announced the strait’s reopening after a 10-day truce between Israel and the
Iranian-backed Hezbollah group in Lebanon took hold on Friday. But Iran said it
would continue enforcing its restrictions there after Trump said the US blockade
“will remain in full force” until Tehran reaches a deal with the United States.
After a brief uptick in transit attempts on Saturday, Iran fired on two
India-flagged merchant ships that were forced to turn around, leading India to
summon Iran's ambassador over the “serious incident.” India noted that Iran
earlier let several India-bound ships through. For Tehran, the strait’s closure
— imposed after the US and Israel launched the Iran war on Feb. 28 during talks
over Tehran’s nuclear program — is perhaps its most powerful weapon, inflicting
political pain on Trump. For the United States, the blockade squeezes Iran’s
already weakened economy by denying it long-term cash flow. The war has killed
at least 3,000 people in Iran, more than 2,290 in Lebanon, 23 in Israel and more
than a dozen in Gulf Arab states. Fifteen Israeli soldiers in Lebanon and 13 US
service members throughout the region have been killed. Since most supplies to
US military bases in the Gulf region come through the strait, “Iran is
determined to maintain oversight and control over traffic through the strait
until the war fully ends,” Iran’s Supreme National Security Council said late
Saturday. That means Iran-designated routes, payment of fees and issuance of
transit certificates. The council has recently acted as Iran’s de facto top
decision-making body.
Pakistan presses on diplomacy
Pakistani Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, who spoke by phone with Iran’s Foreign
Minister Abbas Araghchi on Sunday, has said his country was working to “bridge”
differences between the US and Iran. Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Saeed
Khatibzadeh on Saturday told The Associated Press that the US is “risking the
whole ceasefire package" with its blockade. Khatibzadeh said Iran won't hand
over its stock of 970 pounds (440 kilograms) of enriched uranium to the United
States, calling the idea “a nonstarter.” The deputy minister didn't address
other proposals for the enriched uranium, saying only that “we are ready to
address any concerns.”
Trump
says US going to talks, renews threat against Iran's power plants, bridges
Agence France Presset/April 19/2026
U.S. President Donald Trump said U.S. negotiators will be in Pakistan Monday to
resume talks on ending the war with Iran, as he again threatened to destroy its
power plants and bridges if no deal is reached. In a social media post Sunday,
Trump also accused Iran of violating the countries' two-week ceasefire with
attacks Saturday in the Strait of Hormuz. Trump said he was offering Iran "a
reasonable deal" and if Tehran says no "the United States is going to knock out
every single Power Plant, and every single Bridge, in Iran. NO MORE MR. NICE
GUY!"
Argentina’s Milei Says US-Israel War Against Iran ‘Right
Thing to Do’
Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
Argentine President Javier Milei declared Sunday that the joint US-Israel war
against Iran was the "right thing to do", as he signed on to the so-called Isaac
Accords aimed at deepening bilateral ties between Israel and Latin American
countries. Making his third visit to Israel as president, Milei reaffirmed
Argentina's support for the campaign against Iran, citing his government's
earlier decision to designate Iran's Revolutionary Guards a "terrorist
organization"."We expressed our firm support for the United States and Israel in
their war against terrorism and against the Iranian regime, not only because it
is the right thing to do, but because our countries are brothers in suffering,"
Milei said in a joint statement with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
"Argentina was the victim of cowardly terrorist attacks on the AMIA and on the
Embassy of Israel, both instigated by Iran," he added. Argentina has accused
Iran of not cooperating with a probe into a 1994 bombing in Buenos Aires that
killed 85 people and injured more than 300 at a Jewish community center. Prior
to that, in 1992, an explosion at the Israeli embassy killed 29 and wounded 200.
Argentine courts have blamed both attacks on Iran, which has always denied
involvement and refused to hand over suspects. "To this day, we still demand
justice," said the libertarian leader, an outspoken supporter of both Netanyahu
and US President Donald Trump. "We reiterate our willingness to move the
Argentine embassy to Jerusalem as soon as conditions allow. We consider it
necessary, but above all, just," he added. The US-backed Isaac Accords are an
initiative designed to boost Israel's ties with Latin America, mirroring the
Abraham Accords under which some Arab countries normalized relations with Israel
during Trump's first term.Israel and Argentina also inked a deal to launch
direct flights between Buenos Aires and Tel Aviv from November -- a move Milei
said would cement "an unbreakable bond" between the two countries. Netanyahu
hailed Milei for showing "moral clarity" in standing with Israel. "President
Milei... has shown that by standing up with the Jewish people, standing up
against anti-Semitic vilifications, standing up in our hour of need, standing up
when we fight the battle of civilization against barbarism," Netanyahu said.
Argentina is home to the largest Jewish community in Latin America, numbering
nearly 300,000 people living mostly in Buenos Aires. Earlier on Sunday, Milei
visited the Western Wall in Jerusalem's Old City, considered the holiest site
where Jews are allowed to pray. He had also visited the site in February 2024
and June 2025.
Iran Says Final Deal Still Far off as Hormuz Strait
Shuttered
Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
The strategic Strait of Hormuz was again closed on Sunday in the stand-off
between Iran and the United States, with Iran's powerful parliament speaker
signalling a final peace deal remained "far" off despite some movement in
negotiations. As mediation efforts continued following high-level talks in
Pakistan that failed to reach a deal, Iran said it will not allow the crucial
maritime trade chokepoint to re-open until the United States ends a blockade of
Iranian ports. Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, speaker of the Iranian parliament, said
in a televised address on Saturday night that there had been "progress" with
Washington "but there are many gaps and some fundamental points remain". "We are
still far from the final discussion," said Ghalibaf, one of Tehran's negotiators
in the talks aimed at ending the war launched by Israel and the United States
against Iran. A two-week ceasefire is set to end on Wednesday unless it is
renewed. US President Donald Trump said "very good conversations" were going on
with Iran but warned Tehran against trying to "blackmail" the United States. On
Friday, Tehran had declared the Strait of Hormuz, through which a fifth of the
world's oil and liquefied natural gas usually transits, open after a temporary
ceasefire was agreed to halt Israel's war with Iran's ally Hezbollah in Lebanon.
That prompted elation in global markets and sent oil prices plunging, but Tehran
reversed course after Trump insisted the US blockade of Iranian ports would
continue until a final deal was struck. "If America does not lift the blockade,
traffic in the Strait of Hormuz will definitely be limited," Ghalibaf said.
Iran's supreme leader Mojtaba Khamenei, who has yet to be seen since taking
power after his father was killed in the war's opening strikes, said in a
written message that Iran's navy "stands ready" to defeat the United States.
Trump accused Iran of getting "a little cute" with its recent moves and warned
Tehran not to try to "blackmail" Washington by flip-flopping on the strait. "We
have very good conversations going on," the president told reporters at the
White House, adding that the United States was "taking a tough stand".
'Targeted' -
Iran's Revolutionary Guards warned that any attempt to pass through the strait
without permission "will be considered cooperation with the enemy, and the
offending vessel will be targeted". A handful of oil and gas tankers crossed the
strait early on Saturday during the brief reopening, tracking data showed, but
others retreated and hardly any vessels were crossing the waterway by the late
afternoon. A UK maritime security agency said the Revolutionary Guards
fired at one tanker, while security intelligence firm Vanguard Tech reported the
force had threatened to "destroy" an empty cruise ship that was fleeing the
Gulf.
In a third incident, the UK agency said it received a report of a vessel "being
hit by an unknown projectile, which caused damage" to shipping containers but no
fire. The Indian foreign ministry said it had summoned the Iranian ambassador to
lodge a protest over a "shooting incident" involving two Indian-flagged ships in
the strait.
- French UN peacekeeper killed -
On the diplomatic front, Egypt, which has been involved in mediation efforts
with Pakistan, appeared optimistic on Saturday with Foreign Minister Badr
Abdelatty saying Cairo and Islamabad hoped to secure a final agreement "in the
coming days". A major sticking point has been Iran's stockpile of
near-weapons-grade enriched uranium. Trump said Friday that Iran had agreed to
hand over its roughly 440 kilograms of enriched uranium. "We're going to get it
by going in with Iran, with lots of excavators," he said. Iran's foreign
ministry has said the stockpile, thought to be buried deep under rubble from US
bombing in last June's 12-day war, was "not going to be transferred anywhere"
and surrendering it "to the US has never been raised in negotiations". The
Middle East war began on February 28 with a massive wave of US-Israeli attacks
on Iran, despite Washington and Tehran being engaged in negotiations at the
time. The conflict rapidly spread across the region, with Iran targeting
neighboring Gulf countries that are home to US military bases, and Iran-backed
Hezbollah dragging Lebanon into the war by launching rockets at Israel. A French
soldier was killed and three others wounded in an ambush on Saturday on UN
peacekeepers in Lebanon that France's president blamed on Hezbollah, an
accusation the group denied. Israel's military reported that two of its soldiers
had also been killed in combat in southern Lebanon since the start of a 10-day
truce on Friday between Israel and Leban
Iranians Expect No Post-War Respite Under Military Rule
Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
Iranians striving to maintain a semblance of normal life after weeks of US and
Israeli bombing and a deadly crackdown on protesters in January remain daunted
by the future as damage from airstrikes and internet cuts take a toll. With Iran
and the US wrangling over a truce extension and an agreement to end the
conflict, shops, restaurants and government offices have stayed open. On sunny
spring mornings, city parks are busy with family picnics and young people
playing sports while others gather at streetside cafes. But behind such peaceful
scenes, Iran's economy is in tatters and people are fearful of a new government
clampdown and angry about the destructive airstrikes. The difficulties that
spurred mass unrest in January look likely to worsen. Talks in Islamabad this
month - the first direct negotiations between the United States and Iran in
years - ended without an agreement. But with the current fragile ceasefire due
to end on Wednesday, US President Donald Trump said on Sunday that his envoys
would head to Pakistan and were prepared to hold more talks.
FEAR OF INCREASED PRESSURE AS THEOCRACY ENDURES
"The war will end, but that’s when our real problems with the system begin. I’m
very afraid that if the regime reaches an agreement with the United States, it
will increase pressure on ordinary people," a 37-year-old named Fariba, who took
part in the January unrest, told Reuters by phone from Iran.
"People have not forgotten the regime’s crimes in January, and the system has
not forgotten that people do not want it. They are holding back now because
they don’t want to fight on a domestic front as well," she said. The bombing
has killed thousands, according to official death tolls, including many at a
school on the first day of the conflict. It has also destroyed infrastructure
across the country, raising the prospect of mass job layoffs. Iran's
revolutionary theocracy looks as entrenched as ever after surviving weeks of
intense bombardment and asserting control over global oil supplies."Iranians
understood that this war is not going to topple the regime, but at the same
time, it's going to make their lives much worse economically," said Omid
Memarian, Iran analyst at independent US-based think tank Dawn. "The military is
not going to put down their guns. They are going to stay and it's going to be
bloody. It's going to be costly, with no prospect for a better future," he
added. In well-heeled north Tehran this week, Reuters interviewed young Iranians
on camera about the war and their concerns. Foreign media in Iran operate under
guidelines set by the Culture and Islamic Guidance Ministry, which regulates
press activity and permissions. Mehtab, who works at a private company and asked
not to use her family name, said things could be worse for Iranians given the
impact of war and years of sanctions and isolation. "I do not want to say that
it is normal, but as an Iranian with such a history, it is not very bad. We can
live with it," she said. That view was not shared by Iranians Reuters reached
by phone. They voiced far greater anxiety while speaking anonymously for fear of
reprisals. "Yes, people are enjoying the ceasefire for now — but what comes
next? What are we supposed to do with a regime that has become even more
powerful?” said Sara, 27, a private teacher who declined to give her family name
or location.
IRANIANS LEFT WITH FEW OPTIONS
Thousands were killed when the authorities crushed weeks of protests in January,
prompting Trump to say he would come to the aid of Iranians. Iran's permanent
mission to the UN in Geneva did not immediately respond to requests for comment
for this story. It has previously blamed the violence in January on "armed
terrorists" linked to Israel and the United States. While Trump and Israeli
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu both said early in the war that they hoped it
would topple the ruling clerics, that goal faded as the bombing continued. Anger
over the crackdown meant that many Iranians wanted new rulers, but soon soured
on the war, Memarian said. "I think it became more clear for many Iranians
that this war is not designed, or is not aimed, at helping the Iranian people,"
he said. Neither Mehtab nor other women sitting at a cafe in north Tehran were
wearing the hijab, a head covering that was mandatory for decades in Iran.
Looser public dress codes are the result of mass protests in 2022, including
over women's rights, which the authorities violently suppressed while tacitly
backing off from enforcement of some dress rules. Independent UK-based Iranian
political analyst Hossein Rassam said it became clear in January that
authorities would not back down again easily, and later that they would not
crumble under military attack. The war had left Iranians even more polarized
than before, but with few options. "This is a moment of reckoning for Iranians
because, at the end of the day, Iranians, especially Iranians inside the
country, realize that they need to live together. There is nowhere to go," he
said.
'FIRE UNDER THE ASHES'
Many fear repression could now worsen. "On the streets, women are going around
without the hijab, but it’s unclear whether these kind of freedoms will continue
after a deal with the United States. Pressure will 100% increase, because once
there is peace with Washington, the regime will no longer face the same external
pressure," Arjang, a 43-year-old father of two, told Reuters by phone from north
Tehran. The January protests brought no tangible change to people's lives, while
leading the authorities to severely restrict internet use - a blow to both
businesses and ordinary people desperate for information during war. “Even the
smallest things, like connecting with our family members who live outside the
country, are impossible,” said Faezeh, 47, as she played volleyball with friends
in a north Tehran park. Popular frustration may start to mount after the war
ends and people are less afraid of being labelled as traitors, said Memarian.
"There is a lot of fire under the ashes," he said.
As Iran War Strains Ties with Trump’s US, UK Looks to Europe
Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
Britain's government is set to announce legislation next month to move the
country closer to the European Union, as the Iran war sours the UK's so-called
special relationship with the United States.President Donald Trump's
unpredictability and stream of insults towards America's historic ally is adding
impetus to Prime Minister Keir Starmer's bid to deepen ties with the 27-nation
bloc, a decade after Britons narrowly voted to leave the EU."We have a
government that is already eager to move closer towards the EU, and the events
in Iran provide an opportunity to speed up that process," Evie Aspinall,
director of the British Foreign Policy Group think-tank, told AFP. Starmer's
administration is preparing an EU "reset" bill that will give ministers powers
to align UK standards with EU single market rules as they evolve -- something
called "dynamic alignment".King Charles III will announce the legislation on May
13 when he reads out Starmer's legislative plans for the coming months, a
government official told AFP on condition of anonymity. Starmer has repeatedly
called for a deeper economic and security relationship with Europe since his
Labour party won the 2024 general election, ousting the Conservatives, who had
implemented the 2016 Brexit referendum. He has upped those calls in recent days,
telling Dutch leader Rob Jetten on Tuesday that "he believed the partnership
between the UK and the bloc needed to be fit for the challenges we were facing
today".The EU is Britain's biggest trading partner, while the International
Monetary Fund warned this week that the UK will be the advanced economy hardest
hit by the Iran conflict."Certainly Iran has made it (the reset) more
prescient," said the UK official. "We need to build economic resilience across
the continent," they added. Starmer refused to involve Britain in the US and
Israel's initial strikes on February 28, angering Trump, although he has since
allowed American forces to use UK bases for a "limited defensive purpose".Under
pressure at home for his disastrous decision to appoint former Jeffrey Epstein
associate Peter Mandelson as ambassador to Washington, Starmer has received
plaudits for standing up to Trump in the face of repeated taunts from the US
president. Days ago, Trump threatened in a phone interview with Sky News to
scrap a US-UK trade deal that limited the impact on Britain of his tariffs
blitz. "There's no doubt that there is now momentum in the UK-EU relationship
partly as a result of Trump's unreliable behavior," David Henig, an expert on
UK's post-Brexit trade policy, told AFP."Independent UK trade policy looks much
harder, the prospects of working with the EU much brighter."
Brexit regret -
Starmer's administration hopes to table the EU legislation in the next few
months, meaning it could come around the time of the 10th anniversary of the
Brexit referendum, held in June 2016. MPs will get to approve whether to provide
the government with a mechanism to adopt EU rules -- sometimes without a full
parliamentary vote -- in areas where it has already signed deals with the
bloc.They include a trade agreement designed to ease red tape on food and plant
exports and plans for an electricity deal that would integrate the UK into the
EU's internal electricity market. Britain and the EU are also aiming to finalize
negotiations on a youth mobility scheme in time for a joint summit in Brussels
expected in late June or early July.
Starmer has ruled out rejoining the single market or returning to free movement.
The Liberal Democrats, Britain's traditional third party, wants him to cross one
of his other red lines by negotiating a customs union with the EU. "We need to
be doubling down on relations with reliable partners who share our interests and
values," the Liberal Democrats foreign affairs spokesman Calum Miller told
AFP.But Brexit remains a toxic issue and the hard-right Reform UK party, leading
opinion polls and headed by Euroskeptic firebrand Nigel Farage, have branded the
legislation "a betrayal" of the referendum's narrow result. Surveys regularly
now show, however, that most Britons regret the vote to leave the EU, something
Starmer hopes to capitalize on.Rising cost-of-living pressures on family
households, which UK finance minister Rachel Reeves has blamed on Trump for
starting the war "without a clear exit plan", could also influence minds. "When
the relationship with the United States is fracturing, it means there's reduced
opposition to a closer relationship with the EU among the public," said Aspinall.
Türkiye ‘Optimistic’ Middle East Ceasefire Will Be Extended, Says FM
Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
Türkiye said it remained "optimistic" that a two-week ceasefire between Iran and
the United States set to expire on Wednesday would be extended.
"No one wants to see a new war break out when the ceasefire expires next week.
We hope ... the parties will extend the ceasefire," Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan
said on Sunday at the Antalya Diplomacy Forum. "I hope there'll be an extension.
I am optimistic," he said.
Two Foreigners Arrested in Iran for Importing Starlink
Technology
Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
Four individuals, including two foreign nationals, were arrested in Iran's
northwest, semi-official Tasnim news agency reported on Sunday, for being part
of a "US-Israel-linked espionage network."The foreigners, whose nationality
was not disclosed, are accused of importing satellite internet equipment such
as Starlink, which is a criminal offence in the country, which has faced
seven weeks of an internet blackout. Hundreds of Iranians have been arrested
for "cooperating with enemy states" since the start of the US-Israeli war with
Iran.
Israel Re-Establishes Evacuated West Bank Settlement
Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
Israeli ministers on Sunday officially reopened Sa-Nur, a settlement in the
occupied West Bank that was evacuated 20 years ago, marking the occasion with
defiant declarations against Palestinian statehood and calls to resettle Gaza.
Several cabinet members and lawmakers attended the ceremony near a cluster of
white prefabricated homes arranged in rows on a hilltop.Excluding east
Jerusalem, more than 500,000 Israelis now live in the West Bank in settlements
that are illegal under international law, among some three million Palestinians.
"On this exciting day, we celebrate a historic correction to the criminal
expulsion from Northern Samaria," Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich said, using
the Israeli biblical term for part of the West Bank. Sa-Nur's settlers were
evicted in 2005 as part of Israel's so-called disengagement policy that also saw
the country withdraw troops and settlers from the Gaza Strip. The policy
promoted by then-prime minister Ariel Sharon was framed as a security measure
intended to reduce Israel's civilian and military footprint in densely populated
Palestinian areas. Israel's current government, considered one of the most
right-wing in the country's history, approved the reconstruction of all four
northern West Bank settlements evacuated in 2005. Authorities have approved 126
housing units in Sa-Nur alone. "We are cancelling the shame of the
disengagement, burying the idea of a Palestinian state and returning to the
settlement of Sa-Nur," Smotrich said. Smotrich, a far-right minister in the
ruling coalition and a settler himself, also called for the resettlement of the
Gaza Strip as a "security belt" for the State of Israel. Israeli media reported
that 16 families had moved into the re-established settlement in recent days,
adding that the new residents included Yossi Dagan, head of the northern West
Bank Settlements Council.
Dagan was among those evacuated from Sa-Nur in 2005."For me, this is both a
national and a personal closing of a circle," Dagan said after cutting the
ribbon at the ceremony. "No more uprootings, no more retreats. We have returned
to stay."Israel has occupied the West Bank since 1967 and since then settlement
expansion has been a policy under successive Israeli governments. But it has
accelerated significantly under the current coalition government of Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. More than 100 settlements have been approved since
the government came to power in 2022, according to activists and authorities.
Barghouti Remains Central Figure in Palestinian Politics After 24 Years in
Prison
Ramallah: Kifah Zboun/Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
Twenty-four years after the arrest of Palestinian leader Marwan Barghouti, now
67, and after long stretches in solitary confinement, he remains a central
figure in Palestinian politics. His influence has outpaced that of other
officials in decision-making roles, and he has topped Fatah elections in
previous years, as the movement prepares for its eighth conference next month, a
key test of what has changed over time. Palestinians, the presidency, Fatah, and
Barghouti’s family marked the 24th anniversary of his arrest late last week.
President Mahmoud Abbas pledged to continue efforts to secure his release. Fatah
said Barghouti, known as Abu al-Qassam, had become a living symbol for
Palestinians through his sacrifices, struggle, courage, and patience. The
anniversary came as a lawyer who visited Barghouti on April 12 said he had been
assaulted three times in recent weeks, on March 24 and 25 and April 8, leaving
him bleeding in several parts of his body without proper medical treatment.
Israeli lawyer Ben Marmarelli said Barghouti was severely beaten and left
bleeding for more than two hours on one occasion. Israel’s prison service said
it was “not aware” of such incidents. Barghouti is believed to have been held in
solitary confinement for two and a half years. Last year, Israel’s National
Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir posted a video showing him confronting
Barghouti in his cell, speaking in a condescending and threatening tone in what
appeared to be an attempt to break him. The move backfired, drawing renewed
attention to Barghouti to the point that US President Donald Trump said he was
considering whether to release him. Trump said last October he might ask Israel
to release Barghouti, adding he had discussed the option with aides at the White
House.
Trump’s intervention has further elevated Barghouti’s standing, with many
viewing him as a potential “savior”.
Presidential contender
Informed Palestinian sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that Barghouti will almost
certainly run in the next presidential election. “He will most likely be Fatah’s
candidate, but even if that does not happen, he will run because he is Marwan,”
the sources said. Elections canceled at the last minute five years ago pointed
to his chances. Barghouti formed a list with former Central Committee member
Nasser al-Qudwa to challenge Fatah’s official slate. The list was headed by al-Qudwa
and lawyer Fadwa Barghouti, Barghouti’s wife, and included prominent figures
from the movement. Barghouti’s name was not listed as he planned to run for
president.His stance underscored a rift dating back to 2005, when he briefly ran
against Abbas before withdrawing, a divide that appears unresolved despite
expectations of a reconciliation. There is little sign his position has shifted,
even as the broader landscape has. Since the Oct. 7, 2023, war, Israel has
increased pressure on the Palestinian Authority, reshaped conditions in the West
Bank, and imposed harsher measures on prisoners, including Barghouti. Israel has
also rejected Trump’s remarks about his possible release. Meanwhile, Abbas has
moved to reshape the Palestinian Authority and Fatah, appointing senior Central
Committee member Hussein al-Sheikh as vice president, launching reconciliation
efforts, and allowing the return of previously dismissed members, including al-Qudwa,
who has rejoined the Central Committee. Abbas met Barghouti’s wife late last
year and said he would continue working to secure his release. The meeting sent
a clear signal aimed at dispelling doubts over Barghouti, who enjoys strong
support within Fatah. His backers present him as a unifying figure capable of
bringing Palestinians together and as a potential successor to Abbas, an idea
that has not previously gained traction within decision-making circles in
Ramallah. One shift since the war is that Hamas is expected to back him more
strongly in any election. The group sought his release in prisoner exchange
talks with Israel, placing him among five top-priority detainees, but Israel
firmly refused.
Arafat loyalist
Barghouti, arrested in 2002, is serving five life sentences plus 40 years after
being convicted of leading the al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, Fatah’s armed wing,
which carried out attacks that killed Israelis during the second Palestinian
uprising that began in 2000. Before his arrest, he was close to Palestinian
leader Yasser Arafat and is widely regarded within Fatah as an Arafat loyalist.
This strengthens his standing among the movement’s base, though it may count
against him with Israel and opponents of Arafat. Abbas’s reconciliation push
ahead of the eighth conference, scheduled for May 14, comes at a sensitive
moment as he works to reorganize the Palestinian Authority and ensure a smooth
leadership transition. The conference will elect a new Central Committee, the
movement’s top decision-making body, which will shape both Fatah and the broader
Palestinian political landscape. Selecting a new committee, alongside a new
Palestinian National Council, will signal the scale of change and reveal the
influence of key figures. At Fatah’s seventh conference, Barghouti secured the
highest number of votes, 930 out of about 1,100, underscoring his strong backing
within the movement. The upcoming conference will show whether he has maintained
that standing or lost ground amid sweeping changes within the Palestinian
Authority, Fatah, and Palestinian society. His supporters had hoped he would be
named vice president in recent years, but both roles went to others, with the
leadership arguing the move was impractical given his imprisonment.
A source close to Barghouti said, “All Palestinians, not just Fatah members, see
him as the one who can unite them, as do many countries in the region and
beyond. Israel does not want that for well-known reasons.”“His standing has not
diminished over time; it has grown stronger. His presence will remain dominant.
He will gain his freedom and unite the Palestinians,” he added.
Moroccans Protest Israel Death Penalty Law at Pro-Palestinian Rally
Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
Thousands of Moroccans gathered in Rabat on Sunday to voice their support for
the Palestinian cause and protest a new Israeli law that would allow the
execution of Palestinians convicted of deadly attacks. The crowd of around 5,000
people marched down the capital's Mohammed V Avenue in the center of town, with
many carrying Palestinian and Moroccan flags, AFP journalists reported. The
protest was called by the National Action Group for Palestine, which brings
together figures from the Justice and Development party and left-wing activists.
Marchers chanted "no to the death penalty" and "no to occupation and Zionism",
as well as slogans criticizing Israel's conduct of the war in Gaza. "We're
sending our support to Palestinian prisoners who are threatened by this new law
on the death penalty," said Aziz El Hannaoui, a member of the organizing
coalition. The Israeli law makes the death penalty the default punishment for
Palestinians in the Israeli-occupied West Bank found guilty of intentionally
carrying out deadly attacks deemed "acts of terrorism" by an Israeli military
court. It also allows the death penalty to be applied in murder cases tried in
Israeli criminal courts if the perpetrator intended to "put an end to the
existence of the State of Israel". Critics have said that by effectively
creating a separate legal track for Palestinians, the law appears to conflict
with Israel's Basic Laws, which prohibit arbitrary discrimination. After its
passage, the law was condemned by the Palestinian Authority, activists and
several foreign governments, and immediately drew a court challenge. While the
death penalty exists for a small number of crimes in Israel, it has become a de
facto abolitionist country -- the Nazi Holocaust perpetrator Adolf Eichmann was
the last person to be executed in 1962.
Links to several important news
websites
Asharq Al-Awsat Newspaper
https://aawsat.com/
National News Agency
https://www.nna-leb.gov.lb/ar
Al Arabiya/Arabic
https://www.alarabiya.net/
Sky News
https://www.youtube.com/@SkyNewsArabia
Nidaa Al Watan
https://www.nidaalwatan.com/
Al Markazia
https://www.nidaalwatan.com/
Al Hadath
https://www.youtube.com/@AlHadath
Independent Arabia
https://www.independentarabia.com/
The Latest
LCCC analysis & editorials from miscellaneous sources published
on April 19-20/2026
Threatening Gulf Ports
Abdulrahman Al-Rashed/Asharq Al-Awsat/April
19/2026
The fighting has not stopped since negotiations in Islamabad came to a halt.
President Donald Trump’s dangerous decision to impose a blockade on Iran’s
maritime trade has disrupted the entire landscape as Iran threatens to target
Gulf ports. In the battlefield, Israeli forces are advancing in southern
Lebanon, and every success they attain there weakens Iran’s negotiating and
moral position. Israel has already taken control of roughly a third of Lebanon’s
territory, and it is close to seizing three of Hezbollah’s key military
strongholds: Bint Jbeil, Khiam, and Taybeh. The Lebanese government has, because
of this war, dared to take a historic step by entering direct negotiations with
Israel and to defy Hezbollah’s threats.
The Iranians have rushed to request the resumption of negotiations with the
United States, suggesting a willingness to offer concessions to end the naval
blockade. The blockade is the most dangerous weapon that can be used against
Iran. Impeding Iran’s maritime trade could bring down the Iranian regime if it
is sustained long enough and enforced strictly. Of course, choking Iran at sea
has consequences and could potentially reignite a broader war.
In a calculated move, President Donald Trump announced a blockade of Bandar
Abbas, Bushehr, and other ports along the Gulf and the Gulf of Oman, as well as
preventing any ships from entering or leaving Iran through the Strait of Hormuz.
This would cost Iran an estimated half a billion dollars per day, in addition to
weakening its political position, after Iran had used its ability to threaten
the Strait of Hormuz as a bargaining chip against the Arab Gulf states and the
global economy.
One potential consequence, the Iranian regime has said, is retaliation through
strikes on Gulf ports and a return to mutually assured destruction. Iran has
previously shown that it is serious about such threats when it targeted its Arab
neighbors, hitting vital civilian infrastructure in six Gulf states, as well as
in Iraq and Jordan. Can Gulf states withstand further losses if their ports
(lifelines through which oil, gas and petrochemical products are exported to
global markets) are targeted?
In war, they have few options. Gulf countries have already done what they could
to avert conflict. American forces were compelled to conduct military operations
from naval fleets and bases in countries north of Iran, but Iran chose to strike
Gulf facilities to impose costs on the global economy; it succeeded: as oil and
gas prices doubled, followed by increases in the cost of transport, aviation,
and petroleum products, both direct and indirect.
For this reason, Iran will probably repeat the same strategy and target Gulf
states again. The calculations of the US revolve around balancing pain on both
sides and estimates of how long this blockade would need to continue for Iran to
be forced into concessions that allow its maritime trade to resume. The US is
also considering the resumption of strikes after a two-week truce after
assessments of what remains of Iran’s arsenal and its ability to launch further
missiles with precision. At the same time, Iran is deeply wounded after 38 days
of war. It has a leadership vacuum and its regional proxies, as seen in Lebanon,
have been weakened. The question remains: will it still choose to play this
painful game of brinkmanship?
Iran may be able to destroy a significant portion of Gulf maritime and energy
infrastructure, but those states would recover. They have the ability to repair
the damage and absorb major losses. Iran, however, would be gambling with the
survival of its regime in a bet on this new round of confrontation.
The United States has shown its willingness to continue fighting; it could be
argued that more strikes that force Iran into surrender are Donald Trump’s best
option, as they would allow him to emerge victorious in the eyes of the world.
Indeed, the US suffered few losses in the previous round (13 dead, half of them
in a plane crash in Iraq). Meanwhile, Israel is also in favor of continuing the
war to extract greater concessions from Iran, with public opinion suggesting
Israelis are willing to bear further costs if Iran ceases to pose a persistent
regional threat. Iran’s new leadership may appear fanatical, but this same
leadership has expressed a desire to return to negotiations. It has a strong
interest in avoiding destruction that risks the very existence of the regime. A
blockade and devastation would be less likely if the American and Iranian
delegations return to the negotiating table.
Iran's Regime
Is Not Iran: The War the West Refuses to Understand
Pierre Rehov/Gatestone
Institute/April 19/2026
https://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/22452/understanding-iran-regime
One of the most persistent and dangerous misreadings of the confrontation with
Iran is the stubborn confusion between a brutal ideological regime and the
people it has oppressed for nearly five decades.
In Western capitals, where moral clarity too often yields to political
expediency, this confusion produces a strange paralysis: the fear of "hurting
the Iranian people" serves as an excuse to tolerate a regime that has hurt them
far more cruelly and systematically than any outside power ever has.
In January 2026, the Iranian regime launched one of the deadliest crackdowns in
its modern history, with protests met by a "shoot-to-kill" order "by any means
necessary," issued by the late Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei on January 9.
Estimates vary, but internal health data and independent investigations suggest
that between 30,000 and 36,500 protesters were killed in just two days, and tens
of thousands more wounded or arrested in January alone.
The idea that Iran's beleaguered people will suddenly, somehow, with no weapons
whatsoever, magically rise up and take back their country from a regime armed to
the teeth and with a rich record of mass-murder is beyond delusional. The result
would be equivalent to the Warsaw Ghetto, whose last few hundred inhabitants
tried to take on the German army, or the US resistance at the Alamo: heroic but
predictably headed to defeat.
Some of the Gulf countries, such as Saudi Arabia, might prefer Iran to remain as
any kind of dictatorship rather than a democracy, in order not to give their own
citizens fancy ideas about freer forms of government. Such a sham solution,
however, would be seen as a monumental betrayal of "Help is on its way" -- and
undoubtedly be used to harm Republicans in the upcoming US midterm elections.
The worst result would be for the Trump Administration to throw Iran's desperate
citizens from a ruthless clerical frying pan into a ruthless militaristic fire.
The brutality would be the same, just secular instead of religious -- a
predatory system whose power rests on projecting strength at home while playing
the victim abroad. The Iranian people have shown repeatedly that they do not
identify with the rulers who claim to speak for them. This is a population held
hostage, not a nation united behind its regime.
Western critics who call a military approach – even one that has offered the
regime many off-ramps – reckless should answer a simple question: what is the
alternative? More rounds of negotiations with a regime that has violated every
agreement it ever signed? Passive acceptance while thousands more Iranians are
jailed, tortured, or executed? Moral grandstanding without consequences? That is
not a policy — it is abdication.
"Iran is a 47-year-old war crime." — US Senator John Fetterman (D-PA).
The real Iran — the one that protests, resists, and yearns for normal life — has
been the victim of a war its leaders have waged on it for decades. The real
tragedy would be to prolong any part of it.
Until this strategic distinction is understood, debates about Iran will remain
trapped in the same sterile cycle of confusion and fear — the very environment
in which the West has enabled the regime not only to thrive, but to prevail.
The Iranian people have shown repeatedly that they do not identify with the
rulers who claim to speak for them. This is a population held hostage, not a
nation united behind its regime.
One of the most persistent and dangerous misreadings of the confrontation with
Iran is the stubborn confusion between a brutal ideological regime and the
people it has oppressed for nearly five decades.
This is no accident. Tehran has long understood that its best defense is not its
missiles or its proxies, but its control of the narrative. In Western capitals,
where moral clarity too often yields to political expediency, this confusion
produces a strange paralysis: the fear of "hurting the Iranian people" serves as
an excuse to tolerate a regime that has hurt them far more cruelly and
systematically than any outside power ever has.
Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the Islamic Republic of Iran has ruled
through repression, ideological indoctrination, and outbursts of extreme
violence, such as the mass executions of 1988. After a fatwa issued by the
Islamic Republic's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, "death
commissions" conducted summary trials — often lasting just minutes — before
executing political prisoners. Estimates of the death toll vary. International
human rights organizations and former regime insiders speak of several thousand
(commonly between 2,800 and 5,000), while opposition groups put the figure as
high as 30,000. Many of the victims were young activists, students, or
supporters of opposition movements, including the Mujahedin-e Khalq. Their
bodies were dumped in mass graves, and their families were left without answers.
To this day, the regime denies the full scale of these mass murders, even as
some of those directly involved later rose to the highest offices of state.
Rather than being "just" an aberration, this slaughter of its own citizens was a
blueprint for how the system deals with internal dissent.
The pattern has not only continued, it has intensified. In November 2019,
protests triggered by a sudden fuel price hike were met with lethal force under
a near-total information blackout. According to a Reuters investigation citing
Iranian Interior Ministry sources, security forces killed about 1,500 people in
a matter of days. Thousands more were arrested, tortured, or simply disappeared.
In 2025, at least 1,639 Iranian citizens were executed. This year, just in the
first three months, 657 were executed, and at least 1,600 more are scheduled to
be executed.
In September 2022, the death in custody of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini — arrested
and evidently tortured by the "morality police" for allegedly violating the rule
requiring that a headscarf cover women's hair — sparked another nationwide
uprising. Once again, the regime responded with live ammunition. Human rights
groups documented more than 500 killed, including dozens of children, and over
20,000 arrests. Again, these are not isolated episodes; they form part of a
sustained internal war waged by the regime against large segments of its own
population.
In January 2026, the Iranian regime launched one of the deadliest crackdowns in
its modern history, with protests met by a "shoot-to-kill" order "by any means
necessary," issued by the late Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei on January 9.
Estimates vary, but internal health data and independent investigations suggest
that between 30,000 and 36,500 protesters were killed in just two days, and tens
of thousands more wounded or arrested in January alone.
Security forces — including the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and Basij —
fired live ammunition at unarmed civilians, often targeting the head and torso,
while a nationwide internet blackout was imposed to conceal the scale of the
killings.
Mass burials, disappearance of bodies, and intimidation of medical staff were
reported, confirming a systematic effort not only to crush dissent, but to erase
the evidence of mass murder.
Much Western commentary nevertheless still frames any pressure on Iran as a
danger primarily to "the Iranian people," as if those people were not already
living under daily threat from their own rulers. In what clearly appears to be
journalistic malpractice, Iranians who risk their lives chanting "Death to the
dictator" in the streets of Tehran, Shiraz or Isfahan are portrayed abroad as
passive victims of foreign aggression rather than as active agents of resistance
against a system that fears them more than it fears any external enemy.
This brings us to US President Donald J. Trump's much-discussed statement that
"Help is on its way." Dismissed by critics as empty rhetoric, the remark was
never a promise of instant military spectacle. Geopolitics does not unfold like
a television drama. What matters is the underlying strategy: combining economic
pressure, targeted military actions against regime assets, and psychologically
undermining the regime's aura of invincibility.
The idea that Iran's beleaguered people will suddenly, somehow, with no weapons
whatsoever, magically rise up and take back their country from a regime armed to
the teeth and with a rich record of mass-murder is beyond delusional. The result
would be equivalent to the Warsaw Ghetto, whose last few hundred inhabitants
tried to take on the German army, or the US resistance at the Alamo: heroic but
predictably headed to defeat.
Some of the Gulf countries, such as Saudi Arabia, might prefer Iran to remain as
any kind of dictatorship rather than a democracy, in order not to give their own
citizens fancy ideas about freer forms of government. Such a sham solution,
however, would be seen as a monumental betrayal of "Help is on its way" -- and
undoubtedly be used to harm Republicans in the upcoming US midterm elections.
The worst result would be for the Trump Administration to throw Iran's desperate
citizens from a ruthless clerical frying pan into a ruthless militaristic fire.
The brutality would be the same, just secular instead of religious -- a
predatory system whose power rests on projecting strength at home while playing
the victim abroad. Tehran's response follows a familiar playbook — deliberately
embedding military assets among civilians (a war crime), then immediately
weaponizing any civilian casualties for international outrage. This is a form of
propaganda warfare, also used by terrorist groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah,
for which the media and international community fall every time. If the West
treats the Iranian regime and the Iranian people as one and the same, the tactic
succeeds. If these false equivalences are exposed, the narrative collapses.
The Iranian people have shown repeatedly that they do not identify with the
rulers who claim to speak for them. This is a population held hostage, not a
nation united behind its regime.
No force can deliver sustainable regime change on its own. Real transformation
must ultimately come from within – but with generous outside assistance.
External pressure can weaken the system economically and create openings, but
the Iranians – in practical terms – cannot be expected bravely to commit
collective suicide confronting their armed oppressors if the West is too
cowardly to help. That moment nearly arrived before, in 2009, 2019, and 2022,
only to be crushed by both the regime's brutal efficiency and even more by
West's callous dismissal of the protesters and instead, cozying up to Iran. The
difference today is that the regime no longer enjoys uncontested domination.
Western critics who call a military approach – even one that has offered the
regime many off-ramps – reckless should answer a simple question: what is the
alternative? More rounds of negotiations with a regime that has violated every
agreement it ever signed? Passive acceptance while thousands more Iranians are
jailed, tortured, or executed? Moral grandstanding without consequences? That is
not a policy — it is abdication.
The Iranian regime is not just another geopolitical player. It is a predatory
system that devours its own people while exporting instability across the
region. "Iran is a 47-year-old war crime," stated Senator John Fetterman (D-PA).
The Trump Administration needs to "Make Iran Great Again," to liberate it.
Opposing the regime is not an attack on Iran; it is finally winning a
half-century war that its rulers have imposed on its own people, its neighbors,
and the West. Trump is not "hurting" Iran. He is on the verge of freeing it. The
greatest misfortune for the Iranian people and the Free World would be if he now
decides to stop.The real Iran — the one that protests, resists, and yearns for
normal life — has been the victim of a war its leaders have waged on it for
decades. The real tragedy would be to prolong any part of it. For too long, the
West has looked away while the regime, without restraint, has massacred its own
people, attacked and destabilized its neighbors, and killed nearly a thousand
Americans, and attempted to assassinate Trump and other US officials.
Until this strategic distinction is understood, debates about Iran will remain
trapped in the same sterile cycle of confusion and fear — the very environment
in which the West has enabled the regime not only to thrive, but to prevail.
***Pierre Rehov, who holds a law degree from Paris-Assas, is a French reporter,
novelist and documentary filmmaker. He is the author of six novels, including
"Beyond Red Lines", "The Third Testament" and "Red Eden", translated from
French. His latest essay on the aftermath of the October 7 massacre " 7 octobre
- La riposte " became a bestseller in France. As a filmmaker, he has produced
and directed 17 documentaries, many photographed at high risk in Middle Eastern
war zones, and focusing on terrorism, media bias, and the persecution of
Christians. His latest documentary, "Pogrom(s)" highlights the context of
ancient Jew hatred within Muslim civilization as the main force behind the
October 7 massacre.
© 2026 Gatestone Institute. All rights reserved. The articles printed here do
not necessarily reflect the views of the Editors or of Gatestone Institute. No
part of the Gatestone website or any of its contents may be reproduced, copied
or modified, without the prior written consent of Gatestone Institute.
The Third Iran
Abdel Rahman Shalgham-Former Libyan Minister of Foreign Affairs/Asharq Al-Awsat/April
19/2026
US President Donald Trump said the Iranian regime has effectively changed: the
first and second tiers of leadership have gone, and a third tier is now running
the country, one that differs from its predecessors. Iran is a state ruled by a
single man, the Supreme Leader. It is now on its third such figure since the
Islamic Revolution. Many individuals have moved through positions of power; some
have exited through dismissal, death, or assassination. This happens in all
countries, including the United States.
In Iran, the system of governance operates on two levels: vertical and
horizontal. At the top sits the Supreme Leader of the Republic, the Velayat-e
Faqih, who holds all authority. No one opposes him, and his word is final. The
horizontal level consists of multiple institutions: a president elected by the
people who manages executive affairs; the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Majlis),
which legislates; the Guardian Council; the Expediency Discernment Council; the
judiciary; the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps; the Basij forces; and the
Assembly of Experts, which appoints the Supreme Leader.
All these bodies revolve around a single center: the Supreme Leader, who directs
domestic and foreign policy and has the power to annul, amend, or endorse
everything issued by the other institutions, including laws passed by
parliament. Ayatollah Khomeini took decisions that contradicted laws passed by
the Majlis and even the constitution. Since the 1979 revolution, many political
and military leaders in Iran have been removed, with some placed under house
arrest for long periods.
I first visited Iran as part of a ministerial delegation led by Major Abdul
Salam Jalloud one year after the revolution. I visited again later when I was
Minister of Information and Culture. We held numerous long and intensive
meetings. Jalloud was highly enthusiastic about relations with the Iranian
revolution, viewing it as a strong supporter of the Palestinian cause following
Egypt’s peace agreement with Israel. He summoned me and Kamel al-Maqhour, the
minister, ambassador, lawyer, and prominent intellectual, and asked us to draft
a proposed agreement to unify the ideology of the Iranian and Libyan
revolutions. We did not agree. Al-Maqhour, speaking as both a political and
legal figure, convinced him there was no real ideological basis uniting the two
revolutions, and we proposed instead a general framework for cooperation.
Jalloud was more enthusiastic about ties with Iran than Colonel Muammar Gaddafi,
who preferred to wait and better understand Iran’s direction, especially amid
the Iran–Iraq war. It was agreed to form a joint Libyan-Iranian committee for
cooperation between the two countries. I was assigned to head the Libyan side,
while Iran appointed Abdul Majid Moadd, Minister of Information and Guidance, to
lead its side. He was a young man preparing a doctoral thesis on Nahj al-Balagha,
attributed to Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib.
He spoke about the awaited Mahdi and the role the Iranian revolution would play
in the world. In a highly charged speech, he said the Islamic nation consists of
three peoples: Arabs, Turks, and Persians. He added that while Arabs established
an empire that ruled vast parts of the world through Islam, and the Turks did
the same, the Persians, despite their scientific, creative, and philosophical
capacities, had not yet achieved this.
I visited Tehran with Foreign Minister Abdul Ati al-Obeidi, where we held
meetings with President Hashemi Rafsanjani, as well as ministers, clerics, and
intellectuals. My last visit to Tehran was in 2007 as part of a ministerial
delegation led by Prime Minister Baghdadi Mahmoudi. I observed severe congestion
disrupting daily life, a decline in living standards evident in people’s
appearance and vehicles, and pollution blanketing the city.
Iran is a country with a distinct character in every respect. Its political
system resembles a Persian carpet, layered with interwoven colors. Shiite Islam,
in its various expressions, permeates every aspect of public and private life.
History, with all its burdens of sorrow and hope, remains deeply influential.
Ideological ambition drives political and religious elites, yet there are also
intellectual and political currents that are more pragmatic and moderate. These
tend to focus on domestic conditions, especially the economy and services, and
call for policies based on understandings and settlements with regional and
international actors, as well as expanding the space for freedoms, particularly
for youth and women. However, the hardline clerical camp shows no flexibility
toward the moderate reformist current. Some reformist figures have been placed
under house arrest, including Mir Hossein Mousavi, a former prime minister, and
Mehdi Karroubi, a former speaker of parliament, while the role of former
president Mohammad Khatami has been marginalized. Iran is a deep, multiethnic
nation with a distinctive human and natural geography. History, with all its
turns, does not leave hearts and minds. The current war involving Israel, the
United States, and Iran is driven by fears and anxieties. Egypt, Iraq, and
Persia remain present in Jewish historical memory; the Babylonian exile helped
shape Jewish religion and history. No alternative system will emerge from within
the clerical establishment. But once the flames of war subside, the scale of
destruction inflicted on Iran will serve as a wake-up call for all. The clerics
will weave a new carpet, tracing the paths of another Iran in new colors.
The End of Wilayat al-Faqih, from the Hidden Imam to the
Absent Leader
Dr. Adel Al-Toraifi/Asharq Al-Awsat/April 19/2026
In June 1989, Khomeini, the Supreme Leader of Iran, died after months of
illness. In the months leading up to his death, Western media focused on
possible scenarios for the future of a republic hostile to the United States,
Israel and the West. Much of that coverage was marked by optimism.
After a decade of Khomeini’s hardline rule, and less than nine months after the
end of the Iran-Iraq war, hopes rose that peace would drive reform once the
system’s founder was gone. Statements by senior officials hinted at easing
tensions with neighboring states and even raised the possibility of dialogue
with the United States, described as the “Great Satan.” Reports at the time also
pointed to the start of indirect contacts between Tehran and Washington.
On the eve of the selection of Ali Khamenei as interim leader, the New York
Times reported on June 5 that he was once seen as a hardline cleric when he
became president in 1981, but was later viewed as more pragmatic, backing
efforts to rebuild ties with the West, reduce Iran’s isolation and attract
foreign investment after the war with Iraq. The Washington Post took a more
positive tone, describing his selection on the same day as a gain for more
moderate and pragmatic elements within the Iranian leadership.
Khamenei’s 37-year rule proved more hardline, more radical and more expansive in
its support for Iranian-linked militancy than the 1980s. Although it began with
signs of social and economic openness and talks with neighboring countries,
driven by the late president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, the outcome was greater
extremism. The Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps expanded its influence over
economic and social life and broadened its activities abroad to include groups
such as Hezbollah, Hamas, al-Qaeda, ISIS, the Houthis and Iraq’s Popular
Mobilization Forces, as well as terrorist organizations around the globe. In
recent years, as Khamenei’s health declined and he aged, and after the death of
President Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash in 2024 and the killing of General
Qassem Soleimani in 2020, the issue of succession has come into focus. Two
questions stand out: who will succeed the Supreme Leader, and how, and what kind
of system will follow, and whether the doctrine of Wilayat al-Faqih can
continue.
Several scenarios have been discussed, but uncertainty has deepened. Khamenei
kept the amended 1989 constitution without interpretation or revision, avoiding
changes that could reflect the transformations within the republic. He did not
appoint a deputy and instead rotated figures through the presidency, parliament,
the Revolutionary Guards and the army, creating competition centered on loyalty
to his office. Attempts at reform from within, which peaked in the early 1990s
and later took shape in the “Second of Khordad Front” in 1999 under President
Mohammad Khatami, were eventually crushed through trials, executions and
repression targeting journalists and independent intellectuals. Over the
decades, Khamenei sidelined potential rivals such as Morteza Motahhari and
possible successors such as Hashemi Rafsanjani, while blocking legislation that
could regulate the transfer of power or allow delegation in cases of illness or
incapacity.
A defining feature of his rule was the marginalization of revolutionary figures
and the rise of younger Revolutionary Guard members, whom he had helped shape
alongside Mostafa Chamran during early training in Lebanon, funded by Libya.
These figures led the Guards on the eve of the 2025 12-day war, and their
protégés now lead Iran.
The system also projected a supposed rivalry between reformists and
conservatives, which in practice amounted to a rotation of roles within the
ruling elite. The so-called reformists, at best, served as theoreticians of
extremism, while conservatives were responsible for backing militant groups and
carrying out terrorist operations in the region and beyond.
Three main scenarios emerged over succession.
The first involves selecting a moderate senior cleric, potentially opening the
door to easing international isolation and advancing economic and social
reforms. The second envisions the Revolutionary Guards installing a weak leader,
allowing him to run the state while preserving the system's formal structure,
without direct accountability to the public.
The third involves amending the constitution to limit Wilayat al-Faqih to
religious and moral affairs, allowing the Guards to assume direct political
authority through elections and potentially shifting the system from a
revolutionary model to a state structure.
Alongside these scenarios, two models have been discussed that could allow the
republic to continue without a full overhaul.
The first is a Chinese-style model, in which Revolutionary Guard leaders shift
from ideological actors to national leaders focused on economic development and
national interests rather than exporting the revolution.
The second is a Pakistani-style model, in which the Guards retain elements of
their revolutionary ideology but act as guarantors of stability, overseeing
political life while maintaining influence over government and parliament.
However, once US-Israeli strikes began in February, these scenarios shifted
under external pressure. Within hours, Khamenei was killed, and within days the
Revolutionary Guards announced the appointment of Mojtaba Khamenei, the Supreme
Leader’s second son. While Mojtaba was named Supreme Leader, the title “Imam”
used for his predecessors was absent, possibly reflecting doubts about his
acceptance as a Shiite religious authority.
Khamenei himself could not have become Supreme Leader in 1989 with the rank of "hojatoleslam”.
The constitution was amended two months later, and he was elevated to
“ayatollah” to assume the position.
The question now is no longer who will succeed Khamenei, but what remains of the
Wilayat al-Faqih system after this transition.
This is not only a constitutional issue but a practical one. Since the
appointment of the new, largely unseen leader, it is unclear who controls
decisions of war and peace in Iran during the current conflict. With Washington
announcing talks with Iran’s “new” leaders, it is also unclear who manages the
crisis or who can accept a ceasefire.
Formally, the constitutional framework in Iran remains in place. The Supreme
Leader is still commander-in-chief, with authority over war, peace, mobilization
and key appointments. In practice, power has long been shaped by its
concentration within the Supreme Leader’s office and among senior Revolutionary
Guard figures.
The appointment of Mojtaba Khamenei marks a sharp shift in religious legitimacy.
He does not hold the rank of “ayatollah”, which has become closely tied to the
image of the Supreme Leader. Despite his influence within his father’s office,
he lacks the religious authority envisioned by the system’s founders. This
weakens the religious dimension of the role, even if it remains constitutionally
intact. It also undermines a core principle of the Islamic Republic, the
rejection of hereditary rule. The system now appears less as a revolutionary
project and more as a structure sustained by closed networks of loyalty.
In effect, Iran appears to have moved toward the second scenario, with real
power shifting to the Revolutionary Guards, while the position of Supreme Leader
becomes largely symbolic. The new leader may hold the family name and loyalty
networks, but the Guards control the military and the means of coercion. The
doctrine of the Hidden Imam in Twelver Shiism historically elevated the role of
clerics, especially senior jurists, to that of leaders and intermediaries. This
role was strengthened over time, particularly during the Qajar period in the
19th century.
The concept of Wilayat al-Faqih, outlined by Khomeini in his 1970 book “Islamic
Government” and influenced by Nur al-Din al-Karaki and Abul Aala Maududi, was a
key attempt to integrate the state into Shiite religious doctrine. Although
initially supported by figures, such as Hossein-Ali Montazeri and Mozzafar
Baghai, many later criticized its absolutist form and were imprisoned.
In the past decade, nationalist sentiment has grown, even within the
Revolutionary Guards and official discourse. While the Supreme Leader once
rejected pre-Islamic Persian history, the system now appears unable to counter
this trend amid declining religious faith, renewed protests and economic
pressures. After the 12-day war, the regime unveiled a statue of the Sasanian
king Shapur I in Tehran’s Enghelab Square, alongside images of Soleimani and
Amir Hajizadeh, bearing the words, “You will kneel before Iran again.”
The weakening of Wilayat al-Faqih represents a setback for modern Shiite
political Islam. Unlike its Sunni counterpart, which failed to establish a
caliphate, this model's failure may push the system backward. The doctrine that
underpinned the authority of Khomeini and Khamenei may revert to a more limited
form.
More broadly, the current Iranian system, regardless of its leadership, faces
the likely end of the Wilayat al-Faqih project, even if the republic itself
endures. The military no longer appears to place significant weight on clerical
authority.
Khomeini sought to establish the rule of the jurist as a substitute for the
absent Imam, but that authority now appears to be receding again under the new
leader. There is clear symbolism: the system shifts from Shiite eschatology
toward a hybrid nationalism, while the Supreme Leader himself becomes largely
absent from view. In his 2009 book “Apocalyptic Islam and Iranian Shiism,” Abbas
Amanat speaks of a Hussainiya in Kashan dating back to the Qajar era, where an
inscription reads, “Waiting is our doctrine.”
The recent war has shown that under pressure, Iran does not move toward
moderation or reform, but toward greater extremism. As crises deepen, the system
turns not to Wilayat al-Faqih, but to what can be described as the rule of the
Guards. At that point, Wilayat al-Faqih is no longer the true basis of power,
but a final cover for a system that has become military in substance, familial
in symbolism, aggressive in behavior and more fragile than its official rhetoric
suggests. In Times of Conflict…We Cannot Afford Any Decline in Vaccination
In parts of the Eastern Mediterranean Region, whether a child receives a vaccine
no longer depends solely on scientific progress, but also on whether it is safe
to leave the house.
Conflicts are now casting a shadow over the daily lives of millions of families
across the region. In Sudan, years of devastating war have left large numbers of
children without protection from disease, amid the world’s largest displacement
crisis. In Lebanon, bombardment and evacuation orders have uprooted a fifth of
the population from their homes, schools, and clinics within weeks. In Gaza,
little remains of the health infrastructure but rubble, with systems on the
brink of total collapse amid destruction and economic breakdown. Along the
Afghanistan–Pakistan border, renewed violence is triggering new waves of
displacement, compounded by natural disasters. In Yemen and Somalia, protracted
crises continue to weaken already fragile health systems.
Vaccination requires stable primary health care, reliable cold chains, safe
passage for health workers, and families able to access services. Conflict
sweeps all of this away.
Even before the latest escalation, coverage was already declining. First-dose
coverage of diphtheria, tetanus, and pertussis (DTP) vaccines fell from 89
percent in 2019 to 85 percent in 2024. Coverage of measles-containing vaccines
dropped to 80 percent, far below the 95 percent needed to prevent outbreaks. An
estimated 2.8 million children in the region received no vaccines at all in
2024. More than 12 million children have received no routine immunization since
2020.
These gaps are concentrated in conflict zones, among displaced families, in
remote areas, and in underserved urban communities. When children repeatedly
miss vaccinations, immunity gaps widen and outbreaks follow. In 2024 alone,
nearly 4 million people did not receive their first dose of a measles vaccine.
The poliovirus continues to lurk in under-immunized pockets, not due to a lack
of tools, but because those tools have not consistently reached every child. The
predictable and preventable result is the resurgence of outbreaks, placing
additional strain on already overstretched health systems and costing young
lives.
Humanitarian access must be safe, sustained, and guaranteed. Medical supplies
must flow without obstruction, and health workers must be able to reach
communities freely. Services must be delivered to displaced families wherever
they are. Immunization cannot depend on sporadic or fragmented opportunities; it
requires continuity, even amid chaos.
Waiting for stability is not a realistic option. In many parts of the region,
stability may remain out of reach for the foreseeable future, and children
cannot wait. Immunization services must be protected during crises, not
postponed. Delays create deeper and more costly immunity gaps and open the door
to the return of preventable diseases.
Even under these harsh conditions, there remains a glimmer of hope, thanks to
the courage of frontline health workers. They risk their lives to carry out
catch-up campaigns that have reached millions of children, helping to repair the
dangerous immunity gaps left by crises. These efforts must continue and be
expanded.
At the midpoint of the Immunization Agenda 2030, countries have committed to
halving the number of zero-dose children by 2030. Achieving this goal in the
region will only be possible if immunization is treated as an essential service
that does not stop during crises, supported by strong political will, secure
financing, effective delivery systems, and community trust.
We are closer than ever to interrupting the transmission of polio. However, the
virus will continue to find its way to children as long as they remain out of
reach. Strong immunization programs do more than prevent individual infections.
They strengthen the resilience of health systems, protect populations from
future shocks, and safeguard our collective health.
Vaccines have proven effective and saved millions of lives, but they can only
fulfill their promise when they reach every child.
*Regional Director, WHO Eastern Mediterranean Region
Jordan’s
Wartime Balancing Act
Ghaith al-Omari and David Schenker/The Washington InstituteApr 19/ 2026
The economic, political, and diplomatic fallout of the Iran crisis is bending
the kingdom in multiple directions, but Washington can do much to ease the
domestic stress, avoid bilateral friction, and address Amman’s growing rift with
Israel.
Jordan has proven to be an invaluable U.S. strategic partner during the war,
opening itself up to extensive Iranian attacks in the process. Even more
challenging for the kingdom, however, has been the political and economic
fallout of the conflagration. While Amman has taken some steps to mitigate this
spillover, the crisis is accelerating the deterioration of its ties with Israel.
Once the war is over, ongoing and intensive U.S. diplomacy will be required to
shore up ties between these two key peace partners and insulate Jordan from
residual Iranian threats.
Support for the United States in Wartime
During the reign of King Abdullah II, Jordan has dramatically enhanced its
strategic relationship with Washington. At critical moments, he has taken a
different path from his father, always choosing to prioritize ties with the
United States. In 1991, for example, King Hussein opposed Operation Desert Storm
and refused to join Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and other members of the large
multinational coalition in the campaign to liberate Kuwait. In contrast, King
Abdullah provided basing for U.S. aircraft involved in a much more controversial
military effort, the 2003 invasion of Iraq. More recently, the kingdom played a
pivotal role in intercepting Iranian projectiles overflying its airspace en
route to Israel during major confrontations in 2024 and 2025.
Jordan has been even more helpful to Washington during the current war. Because
U.S. bases in the Gulf states are closer to Iran and more vulnerable to missile
and drone attacks, the kingdom has emerged as a critical node in the “Western
Basing Strategy,” enabling the safer positioning of American assets. A 2021
defense cooperation agreement provided U.S. forces with access to twelve
facilities in Jordan, including five air bases. In the lead-up to the Iran
crisis, Muwaffaq Salti Air Base served as a key logistical hub for U.S. C-17
airlifts, and some sixty U.S. combat aircraft were stationed there as of
February. The United States has also placed a broad array of anti-missile
interceptors in the kingdom, including Patriot missiles and Terminal
High-Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) systems that help protect both Jordan and
Israel from projectiles fired by Iran and its Iraqi proxies.
To be sure, Tehran was overtly hostile to Amman long before the war. In addition
to receiving explicit military threats over the years, Jordan foiled multiple
domestic terrorist plots linked to Iran, while Tehran’s proxy militias in Syria
repeatedly attempted to smuggle weapons and drugs into and through the kingdom.
During the current war, more than 200 drones and missiles have been launched at
U.S. and local targets inside Jordan; authorities also interdicted an Iranian
cyberattack against the state’s strategic wheat reserves in early March.
Like previous American leaders, President Trump recognizes Jordan’s strategic
importance. Amman is one of the few governments to be spared from his
administration’s draconian cuts to foreign assistance. This year, Jordan will
receive $425 million in Foreign Military Financing, $845 million in direct
budgetary support, and close to $200 million in additional aid. This is
equivalent to nearly 8 percent of the state’s total annual budget of $18.4
billion—more than three times the proportion of Israel’s total budget supplied
by U.S. military assistance.
Economic Impact
In both relative and actual terms, Jordan’s perennially anemic economy was
performing reasonably well before the war. A December 2025 IMF report praised
the kingdom’s “sound economic policies and reforms,” which contributed to
recovering growth, low inflation, and solid reserves. In the fourth quarter of
2025, Jordan charted an impressive 5.1 percent growth rate, the highest in
memory, while inflation dropped to its lowest level in a year.
Yet the war has reversed this trajectory. Tourism, which accounts for nearly 15
percent of GDP, bottomed out, with 100 percent of bookings cancelled in March.
Although official inflation statistics are not yet available for this period,
local reports indicate prices have risen substantially on food staples. To
soften the blow on consumers, the government continues to subsidize bread, but
fuel costs have increased as well, prompting authorities to hike the price of
gas by 11 percent this month. The biggest spike appears to be on liquefied
natural gas. Prior to the war, Jordan imported 85 percent of its natural gas
from Israel—a resource that accounts for almost 70 percent of electricity
generation in the kingdom. Yet this supply was interrupted by the conflict,
forcing Amman to compensate by importing LNG through its Aqaba regasification
terminal at an extra cost of $120 million per month.
In addition, Prime Minister Jafar Hasan announced an austerity plan on April 6
that limited the use of government vehicles, canceled most official travel
abroad, and prohibited the use of air conditioners and heating units in
government facilities. Amman also issued a $1 billion stimulus package to
support the tourism sector and increase bank liquidity, along with a tax break
allowing individuals and businesses to defer payments during the crisis.
Political Balancing Act
On the eve of the war, Jordan was dealing with two significant political
dynamics at home. First, after banning the Muslim Brotherhood in April 2025,
authorities began a series of steps to weaken the Islamic Action Front, the
Brotherhood’s legally registered party. A few days before the war, the
government initiated measures to bring the IAF into strict compliance with the
political parties law, in the process reshaping and weakening it.
Second, parliament was deliberating significant amendments to the social
security law as part of an ongoing economic modernization process. Although
these changes are sorely needed for the kingdom’s overall fiscal health, they
are unpopular due to the additional burdens they will impose on an already
struggling public.
The war is affecting both dynamics. Feeling emboldened by the regional crisis,
the IAF has been highlighting unpopular government policies such as hosting U.S.
troops, intercepting Iranian missile and drone fire targeting Israel, and
generally maintaining the peace treaty with Israel. In a show of force
reminiscent of the early days of the Gaza war, opposition parties organized a
large demonstration in downtown Amman on April 10. Consequently, Jordanian
officials have found themselves on the defensive, partially due to the fact that
many of them use similarly confrontational rhetoric toward Israel.
The IAF also spearheaded opposition to the social security law, which Amman
recently withdrew amid parliamentary blowback and new economic uncertainties
created by the war. This was not only a setback for reform, but also a stinging
political defeat for the government.
Mixed Effect on Foreign Relations
Early in the war, Amman strongly condemned Iranian aggression against the Gulf
Cooperation Council states, while King Abdullah paid visits to various GCC
capitals. Gulf publics and officials are highly sensitive to the wartime
positions adopted by other Arab states and have taken notice of Jordan’s
reaction. Unlike in 1991, when the kingdom emerged politically and financially
isolated after the liberation of Kuwait, Amman is well-positioned this time to
deepen its relations with GCC states.
Conversely, the war is exacerbating Jordan’s political strains with Israel,
despite serving as a reminder to both sides of the relationship’s security
value. The fact that their intense military cooperation has failed to ameliorate
political tensions speaks to the depth of the bilateral impasse, which has
steadily worsened due to a combination of Israeli policies in Gaza, the West
Bank, and Jerusalem, along with Jordanian rhetoric and diplomatic initiatives
against Israel. Remarkably, for neighbors who have such closely intertwined
security interests, there is virtually zero political engagement.
The war might also amplify some recent signs of political stress in Amman’s deep
relations with the United States. The kingdom’s traditional supporters in
Washington have been concerned by Jordanian moves such as leaning into harsh
anti-Israel rhetoric during the Gaza war and hosting controversial figures
Tucker Carlson and Francesca Albanese, who have been roundly criticized for
their antisemitic tirades. At the same time, Amman is increasingly anxious about
the Trump administration’s policies on key Palestinian issues, particularly its
willingness to tolerate Israeli settler violence in the West Bank and
provocative moves by some Israeli political figures on the Temple Mount/al-Haram
al-Sharif—a holy site where Jordan’s special oversight role was enshrined in the
1994 peace treaty. Hence, while the U.S.-Jordan relationship remains strong,
failure to address these issues could lead to future bilateral tensions and
impede Washington’s longer-term Arab-Israel peace goals.
Policy Recommendations
To help one of its most reliable regional allies weather the current crisis,
Washington should take steps that mitigate the wartime damage suffered by Jordan
while also planning for the economic, security, and diplomatic challenges that
will come to the fore after the crisis:
Economically, the United States already provides generous bilateral support to
Amman. Yet the kingdom would benefit from inclusion in postwar regional economic
arrangements, including potential plans to diversify transportation routes.
In addition to enhancing bilateral military cooperation against ongoing Iranian
threats, the United States should ensure that counterterrorism authorities in
both countries are on alert and sharing intelligence about any moves that Tehran
or its proxies might make to support subversion or violence against the kingdom.
As part of this effort, any U.S. moves regarding Iraqi militias should take
Jordan’s security into account.
Amman’s worsening relations with Israel are the most alarming challenge.
Although the two governments have found a way to ensure quiet at sensitive
Jerusalem sites during every Ramadan since the October 7 attacks—no small
achievement—ties have deteriorated to the point that an unexpected incident
could endanger the peace treaty. Washington should help de-escalate this
tension. Beyond evergreen efforts to steer both sides away from provocative
actions and statements, U.S. intervention would be especially helpful in
avoiding brinkmanship over the renewal of their bilateral water agreement.
Resolving this long-delayed issue soon is critical to keeping taps running in
the kingdom throughout the summer—a high priority for Amman.
Ghaith al-Omari is the Gilbert Foundation Senior Fellow at The Washington
Institute. David Schenker is the Institute’s Taube Senior Fellow and director of
its Rubin Program on Arab Politics.
Selected Face
Book & X tweets for April 19/2026