English LCCC Newsbulletin For Lebanese, Lebanese Related, Global News & Editorials
For  January 20/2026
Compiled & Prepared by: Elias Bejjani
#elias_bejjani_news

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Bible Quotations For today
Then Jesus said to Simon, ‘Do not be afraid; from now on you will be catching people.’When they had brought their boats to shore, they left everything and followed him
Holy Gospel of Jesus Christ according to Saint Luke 05/01-11/:”Once while Jesus was standing beside the lake of Gennesaret, and the crowd was pressing in on him to hear the word of God, he saw two boats there at the shore of the lake; the fishermen had gone out of them and were washing their nets. He got into one of the boats, the one belonging to Simon, and asked him to put out a little way from the shore. Then he sat down and taught the crowds from the boat. When he had finished speaking, he said to Simon, ‘Put out into the deep water and let down your nets for a catch.’Simon answered, ‘Master, we have worked all night long but have caught nothing. Yet if you say so, I will let down the nets.’When they had done this, they caught so many fish that their nets were beginning to break. So they signalled to their partners in the other boat to come and help them. And they came and filled both boats, so that they began to sink. But when Simon Peter saw it, he fell down at Jesus’ knees, saying, ‘Go away from me, Lord, for I am a sinful man!’For he and all who were with him were amazed at the catch of fish that they had taken; and so also were James and John, sons of Zebedee, who were partners with Simon. Then Jesus said to Simon, ‘Do not be afraid; from now on you will be catching people.’When they had brought their boats to shore, they left everything and followed him.

Titles For The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News & Editorials published on January 19-20/2026
On Naim Qassem’s Speech: Insolence, Delusion, and Street-Level Vulgarity in Open Rebellion Against Lebanon and the World/Elias Bejjani/January 19/ 2026
Spiritual & Historical Reflections on the Annual Feast of Saint Mar Matanios – The Hermit Mor Mattai/Elias Bejjani/January 17/2026
Ivonne Abdel Baki: A Global Diplomat with Lebanese Roots/Elias Bejjani/January 19/2026
Ivonne A-Baki/the Dialogue.
Israel army says struck Hezbollah sites in south Lebanon
Israel targets south Lebanon with series of strikes
Report: Hezbollah tried to prevent army from reaching bombed N. Litani sites
Report: US and Israel ask Lebanon to up level of negotiations
Pro-Aoun minister says arms monopolization on track despite Qassem’s remarks
Lebanese Army chief to visit Washington from February 3 to 5
Gracia Azzi’s appointment triggers protests, anger among families of Beirut blast victims
Port blast victims families protest Azzi’s appointment as Customs head
Lebanon present at Davos forum: High-level IMF talks top reform agenda
Lebanon's central bank denies reports of talks to sell MEA
Nabatieh finance officials arrested over bribery, extortion
Justice Minister says Beirut Port probe ongoing, objects appointment of Gracia Azzi as director general of customs
Can Israel be restrained in Lebanon?/Chris Doyle/Arab News/January 19, 2026
Why Lebanon’s Shia Opposition Sees Opportunity in the 2026 Elections/Claudia Groeling & Kaline Antoun/This is Beirut/January 19/2026

Titles For The Latest English LCCC Miscellaneous Reports And News published on January 19-20/2026
At least 5,000 killed in Iran’s protests, judiciary hints at resuming executions
Iran to consider lifting Internet ban; state TV hacked
Iran police chief issues surrender ultimatum over ‘riots’
Israel boosts air force readiness as it weighs options against Iran
Turkey’s Erdogan hopes Iran unrest will be resolved through diplomacy
France to decline Trump ‘peace board’ invite, source close to Macron says
Israel’s Netanyahu says no place for Turkish, Qatari soldiers in Gaza force
Over 9,350 Palestinians held in Israeli detention as of January
UK’s Blair distances himself from Trump’s $1 billion peace board fee
World leaders wary of Trump’s ‘Board of Peace’ mandate amid fears for UN
Prince Faisal discusses latest regional developments with US counterpart
Syria says 120 Daesh detainees escaped prison; Kurdish website said 1,500 escaped
Al-Sharaa, Trump expressed shared desire for ‘unified’ Syria in call, Damascus says
Syria tightens grip after Kurdish pullback, says ISIS prisoners escape
Shell seeks to exit Syria’s al-Omar oilfield, official says
RSF used mass graves to conceal war crimes in Sudan, ICC deputy prosecutor says
Jabal Hadid camp in Yemen’s Aden handed over under plan to relocate military bases
Global leaders gather in Davos as Middle East tensions take center stage
Canada deepens investment ties with Qatar, expands economic engagement with Egypt

Titles For The Latest English LCCC analysis & editorials from miscellaneous sources published on January 19-20/2026
Les transitions en suspens/Charles Elias Chartouni/i/This is Beirut/January 19/2026
Transitions pending/Dr.Charles Elias Chartouni/This is Beirut/January 19/2026
AT THE BUFFET OF HIS BANQUET, THE BANQUISE TO EAT/Lara Khoury Hafez/Face Book/January 19/2029
If Iran's Regime Stays in Place, Trump's Gaza 'Peace' Plan Will Not See Success/Khaled Abu Toameh/Gatestone Institute/January 19/2026
After America leaves/Yassin K. Fawaz/The Arab Weekly/19 January/2026
Don’t ask AI for what you don’t deserve/Karam Nama/The Arab Weekly/19 January/2026
US has a long history of strategic land purchases/Khaled Abou Zahr/Arab News/January 19, 2026
Selected Face Book & X tweets/ January 19/2026

The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News & Editorials published on January 19-20/2026
On Naim Qassem’s Speech: Insolence, Delusion, and Street-Level Vulgarity in Open Rebellion Against Lebanon and the World
Elias Bejjani/January 19/ 2026
https://eliasbejjaninews.com/2026/01/151257/

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GRlRrHRUmUg
Sheikh Naïm Qassem’s latest speech was not a mere slip of the tongue or a momentary emotional outburst. It was a blatant declaration of total estrangement from Lebanon as a state, and a brazen rebellion against the Lebanese people—their institutions, their decisions, and their national dignity. It was a speech drawn from the gutter language of the street, not from the position of a political leader, deliberately confrontational, crude, and saturated with arrogance and coercion.
When Qassem declares that Hezbollah’s weapons will remain “by force, over the necks of the Lebanese,” he is not expressing a political stance; he is effectively signing a document of internal occupation. That statement alone is sufficient to strip away all the masks of “resistance,” “protection,” and “defense of the homeland,” revealing the naked truth: we are facing an armed organization that views the Lebanese as subjects, not citizens, and sees the state as an obstacle to be smashed, not an authority to which it is accountable.
From Political Speech to Verbal Thuggery
What was labeled a “speech” was nothing more than a bundle of obscene, street-level insults and a reckless flight forward. Qassem did not debate, did not argue, did not reason. He insulted, threatened, and waved the specter of civil war, as if Lebanon were a private estate and Lebanese blood merely a bargaining chip.
He targeted the President of the Republic, attacked the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and appointed himself guardian over the government, ordering it either to submit, to silence itself, or to change course. This is not the language of leadership; it is the language of a militia in distress. It is not a sign of strength, but of weakness and fear. The tighter the noose grows around the party’s regional patron in Tehran, the louder the shouting becomes in Beirut’s southern suburbs, Hezbollah’s stronghold. And the closer Lebanon comes to a serious reckoning over placing weapons exclusively under state authority, the more Qassem emerges threatening that “not one stone will be left upon another.”
Weapons: From “Resistance” to Burden and Threat
The most dangerous aspect of Qassem’s speech is not merely its vulgarity or its detachment from reality and actual capabilities, but its open contempt for everything Lebanese—national sovereignty, civil peace, and its servile submission to Iranian dictates.
He trivialized and leapt over international resolutions, trampled the Armistice Agreement that binds Lebanon and prohibits any armed organization outside state legitimacy, mocked Arab and international consensus, ignored Israel’s military power, and insulted and derided the will of the vast majority of Lebanese who want a normal state—without rogue weapons and without militias that know nothing but stupidity, hatred, and the glorification and sanctification of suicidal death.
When Qassem challenges the state and declares his weapons beyond any discussion, he implicitly admits that these weapons no longer serve any national purpose. They serve only one function: protecting the party’s apparatus and its mini-state, even if that comes at the ruins of Lebanon itself.
Branding Sovereignty as Treason… to Cover Defeat
Qassem reverted to the easiest weapon of all: accusations of treason. Anyone who demands state sovereignty is a “traitor.” Anyone who works through diplomacy is a “tool.” Anyone who rejects his weapons is “inciting civil war.” But the truth is far too clear to be concealed by insults: the party’s project has reached a dead end. The illusions of “victory” can no longer feed a hungry people, rebuild a destroyed city, or rescue a collapsed economy.
What Comes After This Defiance?
After this speech, silence is no longer an option, and evasiveness is no longer acceptable. What Naïm Qassem said imposes firm and unequivocal steps on the Lebanese government—not vague, grey statements:
The immediate expulsion of Hezbollah and Amal Movement ministers from the government, because anyone who threatens the state cannot be a partner in governing it.
A clear and official declaration of the end of the state of war with Israel, and an end to its use as a pretext for retaining weapons.
The designation of Hezbollah as a terrorist organization at the national level, consistent with its threatening and insurrectionary behavior.
The arrest of Hezbollah leaders involved in threatening civil peace and their referral to the judiciary, rather than rewarding them with positions of power.
Conclusion
Naïm Qassem’s speech was not a defense of “resistance,” but a declaration of open hostility toward Lebanon. It was not a show of strength, but a fit of political panic. It was not directed at Israel or the outside world, but at the Lebanese themselves—as if to tell them: “The state is finished, and we are the alternative.”
Here lies the crux of the matter: Either a state, or Naïm Qassem. Either the rule of law, or the logic of “by force, over your necks.”History does not forgive the hesitant.

Spiritual & Historical Reflections on the Annual Feast of Saint Mar Matanios – The Hermit Mor Mattai
Elias Bejjani/January 17/2026
https://eliasbejjaninews.com/2026/01/151190/
Who Is Saint Mar Matanios?
Saint Mar Matanios, known in the Syriac tradition as Mar Matthew the Hermit (Mor Mattai), is one of the pillars of Eastern monasticism in the fourth Christian century and the founder of the renowned Monastery of Mar Mattai near Nineveh. He is regarded as one of the great ascetics who contributed to strengthening the faith and spreading monastic life in the Church of the East. The Syriac and Maronite Churches commemorate his annual feast on January 17.
Historical Timeline and Biography
Year of birth: approximately the first quarter of the fourth century (c. 300–305 AD)
Place of birth: the city of Amida (Diyarbakir) in Mesopotamia
Social background: from a family of status and influence, in a non-Christian environment
Conversion to Christianity: in his youth, following a profound spiritual experience that led him to faith in Christ
Entrance into monastic life: around 330–335 AD
First place of ascetic life: the mountains and wilderness near Nineveh (present-day Iraq)
Foundation of the monastery: the nucleus of the Monastery of Mar Mattai around 363 AD, which later became a major monastic and spiritual center
Year of death: approximately 410–420 AD
Place of death: in his monastery near Nineveh
Recognition of sainthood (canonization): not by a conciliar decree as in the Latin concept, but by the consensus of the Church and living tradition since the fifth century; his name was included in the Syriac and Maronite Synaxaria
His Ascetic and Monastic Life
Mar Matanios chose the path of total renunciation, living a strict ascetic life of fasting and vigil, constant prayer, inner silence, obedience, and humility, rejecting all worldly glory. Many disciples gathered around him, and his ascetic experience developed into an organized monastic movement that became one of the foundations of Eastern Syriac monasticism.
His Miracles According to Church Tradition
The Synaxaria and spiritual biographies affirm that God glorified His saint through many miracles, most notably the healing of the sick from incurable physical illnesses, the casting out of evil spirits through prayer and the sign of the Cross, the protection of believers and monks during times of persecution and turmoil, and numerous miracles through his intercession after his death, especially for the sick and the weak. These miracles are understood as signs of the saint’s union with God, not as ends in themselves.
His Impact on Church and Monastic Life
Monastic impact:
The establishment of the model of communal monasticism in the East
The formation of generations of monks and bishops
The transformation of the Monastery of Mar Mattai into a spiritual and theological school
Ecclesial impact:
The strengthening of Christian faith in religiously diverse regions
The consolidation of Syriac spiritual and liturgical identity
The offering of a living witness of holiness that drew believers to the Church
What the Maronite Synaxarion Says About the Saint
The Maronite Synaxarion presents Saint Mar Matanios as a holy ascetic monk who abandoned wealth and worldly glory, dwelt in the wilderness out of love for Christ, founded a monastery that became a beacon of holiness, and became renowned for his powerful prayer and miracles. The Church celebrates his feast annually on January 17, highlighting his ascetic virtues and effective intercession.
The Relationship of Saint Mar Matanios with Lebanon
Although the saint’s life unfolded in Mesopotamia, his veneration reached Lebanon through the Syriac–Maronite tradition. This is manifested in churches bearing his name according to local tradition, ancient churches and monasteries dedicated to him in Mount Lebanon and the North, especially in areas influenced by Syriac heritage, as well as altars or side altars dedicated to him in some Maronite churches.
Monasteries:There is a spiritual bond between Maronite monasteries in Lebanon and Syriac monasticism that originated from the School of Mar Mattai. His name is mentioned in liturgical books and monastic biographies circulated in monasteries. It is worth noting that the spread of his name in Lebanon is primarily spiritual and liturgical rather than directly historical.
Asceticism, and love are the true path to the salvation of humanity and of nations
While, Saint Mar Matanios remains a witness that holiness shapes history, and that the ascetic monk can be a father to generations and nations. On his glorious feast, the Church renews her faith that prayer, asceticism, and love are the true path to the salvation of humanity and of nations.
A Prayer to Saint Mar Matanios for Lebanon
O Saint of God, Mar Matanios, you who knew the path of peace in the heart of the desert, and who made prayer a wall and a protection, we ask you today for wounded Lebanon: protect its people from wars and destruction, ward off every occupation, domination, and terrorism, bring an end to violence, killing, and corruption, and deliver it from all the forces of evil that have disfigured its face and suffocated its freedom.
Intercede, O Saint of God, that peace may return to the Land of the Cedars, that the state may rise in truth and justice, and that the Lebanese may live in dignity and security. Amen.
Clarifying Note: This text refers to Saint Mar Matanios (Mar Matthew the Hermit), founder of the Monastery of Mar Mattai near Nineveh in Mesopotamia, and should not be confused with Saint Matanios the Desert Dweller who lived in the Egyptian wilderness, as they are two distinct saints belonging to different ecclesial traditions.
NB: The information in this study is cited from various documented ecclesiastical, theological, research, and media references.
*The author, Elias Bejjani, is a Lebanese expatriate activist
Author’s Email: Phoenicia@hotmail.com
Author’s Website: https://eliasbejjaninews.com


Ivonne Abdel Baki: A Global Diplomat with Lebanese Roots

Elias Bejjani/January 19/2026
https://eliasbejjaninews.com/2026/01/151289/
Ivonne A-Baki is considered one of the most prominent diplomatic figures of Lebanese descent in Latin America. She is currently a frequently mentioned name as a potential candidate to succeed António Guterres for the position of Secretary-General of the United Nations (whose term concludes in 2026).
Below is an expanded profile of her life, career, and heritage:
1. Origins and Early Life (Lebanese Roots)
Birth: Born in Guayaquil, Ecuador (February 23, 1951) to Lebanese parents who emigrated from the village of Btater in the Aley District.
Affiliation: She belongs to the Druze community and takes great pride in her Lebanese roots, which she credits for shaping her “global” identity.
Life in Lebanon: She moved to Lebanon at the age of 17 after marrying Lebanese businessman Sami Abdel Baki. She lived there for many years, including during the civil war, which ignited her lifelong passion for peace-building.
2. Education and Languages
Ivonne is a polymath and a multilingual intellectual:
Languages: She is fluent in five languages (Arabic, Spanish, English, French, and German) and writes poetry in several of them.
Education: She studied art at the Sorbonne in France and later earned a Master’s degree in Public Administration and Public Policy from Harvard University (Kennedy School of Government).
3. Diplomatic and Political Career
She has held high-ranking positions that have made her the “Dean of Ecuadorian Diplomacy”:
Veteran Ambassador: She represented Ecuador as Ambassador to Washington D.C. (for multiple terms) and was the first woman to hold that post. She also served as Ambassador to France and Qatar, and as a non-resident Ambassador to several Arab countries (Lebanon, Jordan, Oman, Syria, and Iraq).
Minister of Trade: She served as the Minister of Foreign Trade, Industry, and Fisheries of Ecuador (2003–2005).
Andean Parliament: Elected as a member in 2006, she became the President of the Andean Parliament by unanimous vote in 2007.
Presidential Candidate: She ran for the Presidency of the Republic of Ecuador in 2002.
4. Achievements in Peace and Environment
Peacemaker: She played a pivotal role in the 1998 peace negotiations between Ecuador and Peru, which ended a border conflict that had lasted for decades.
UNESCO Ambassador: She served as a UNESCO Goodwill Ambassador and was a strong candidate for the Director-General position of the organization in 2009.
Yasuní Initiative: She led global negotiations to protect the Amazon rainforest from oil drilling.
5. Candidacy for UN Secretary-General
She is viewed as a formidable candidate for the UN’s top job for several reasons:
International Support: She maintains deep ties with global power centers, particularly in Washington (having built strong diplomatic relations during her tenure there).
Gender Representation: There is a growing international movement to appoint the first woman in history to the position of UN Secretary-General.
Cultural Bridge: Her unique ability to act as a bridge between the Arab world, Latin America, and the West.

Ivonne A-Baki
https://thedialogue.org/expert/ivonne-a-baki
https://eliasbejjaninews.com/2026/01/151289/
Ambassador of Ecuador to the Republic of France & Former Ambassador the Republic of Ecuador to the United States, Ecuador
In March 2024, Mrs Ivonne A-Baki was appointed ambassador of Ecuador to France, continuing her legacy of fostering international cooperation and cultural integration. She is an artist, painter, diplomat, peace negotiator, humanist, and politician. A multifaceted woman who is driven by her ideals.
Ambassador A-Baki was born in Guayaquil, Ecuador of Arab Lebanese parents. She got involved from a very young age in the world of arts through dance and classical music that have inspired her the magic and power of art to unite ideals, cultures, people and nations.
She was an artist in residence at Harvard University and she created the Harvard Arts for Peace Foundation by organizing many joint exhibitions and art shows between countries in war as a way of achieving her goals in building bridges and finding solutions. In parallel, she established the Beyond Boundaries Foundation to improve the health of the poor people of the Republic of Ecuador. Currently, the Foundation is focusing its efforts to educate people about the diagnosis and early treatment of tuberculosis and diabetes.
Ambassador A-Baki has had a very distinguished career as diplomat, politician and academic as Honorary Consul of Ecuador in Beirut, Honorary Consul of Ecuador in Boston, ambassador to the United States of America, ambassador to Qatar and ambassador Non-Resident of Ecuador to Iraq, Kuwait, Lebanon, Jordan, Oman and Syria.
She was member of the Board of Directors of the “Conflict Management Group”, led by Prof. Roger Fisher, in Harvard University. She had an active participation on the achievement of the Peace Agreements between Ecuador and Peru, signed in October 26th, 1998.
Between 2003 and 2005, A-Baki became the first woman to be posted as Ecuador’s Minister of Foreign Trade, Industry, Regional Integration, Fisheries, and Competitiveness. She represented Ecuador at the Andean Parliament and was President of the Commission for Economic Affairs of the European Latin – American Parliament (EUROLAT).
Very committed to conservation, Mrs. A-Baki created the Galapagos Conservancy Foundation which has achieved important goals to create consciousness for protecting the environment in many countries and protecting fragile species. She played as well an important role in the creation in January 2022 of the New “Hermandad” (Brotherhood) Marine Reserve that includes 60 thousand additional kilometers to the current protected area of the Galapagos Islands. This fact ensured that Ecuador’s actions in favor of the environment were disseminated and recognized globally.
Ambassador A-Baki was awarded the Global Citizen Prize by the Patel Foundation for Global Understanding, shared with Mr. Muhammad Yunus. She has been a Goodwill ambassador for the UNESCO Dialogue of Civilizations, in recognition of her contribution to the Organization’s work in the field of dialogue among cultures.
A-Baki was an event speaker at the Dialogue.

Israel army says struck Hezbollah sites in south Lebanon
AFP/19 January/2026
Israel’s army said it carried out several strikes against Hezbollah infrastructure in southern Lebanon on Monday, despite Lebanon this month announcing progress in disarming the militia. Israel has continued to launch regular strikes in the area even after a ceasefire was agreed with Hezbollah in November 2024 to end more than a year of hostilities. “A short while ago, the (Israeli military) struck terror infrastructure in several areas of southern Lebanon... used by Hezbollah to conduct drills and training for terrorists” to attack Israeli forces and civilians, the military said in a statement. It did not specify the exact locations, but Lebanon’s state-run National News Agency reported “a series of Israeli strikes” on at least five villages -- Ansar, Zarariyeh, Kfar Melki, Nahr al-Shita and Bouslaya. Last week, the Lebanese army said it had completed disarming Hezbollah south of the Litani River in the first phase of a nationwide plan, though Israel described those efforts as insufficient. The five villages mentioned by NNA lie north of the Litani, an area not included in the first phase of disarmament. On Friday, another Israeli strike killed one person in Lebanon’s south, according to the country’s health ministry.

Israel targets south Lebanon with series of strikes
Naharnet/19 January/2026
Israeli airstrikes targeted Monday Wadi Burghoz, Ansar's outskirts, al-Mahmoudiyeh, and al-Mourouj, with the Israeli army claiming it struck Hezbollah targets in south Lebanon. "A short while ago, the (Israeli military) struck terror infrastructure in several areas of southern Lebanon... used by Hezbollah to conduct drills and training for terrorists" to attack Israeli forces and civilians, the military said in a statement. The National News Agency reported "a series of Israeli strikes" on at least five villages -- Ansar, Zarariyeh, Kfar Melki, Nahr al-Shita and Buslaya, all north of the Litani river. Last week, the Lebanese army said it had completed disarming Hezbollah south of the Litani River in the first phase of a nationwide plan, though Israel described those efforts as insufficient. Israel has kept up regular strikes on Lebanon despite a November 2024 ceasefire and is still occupying five hills it deems "strategic" in south Lebanon. Hezbollah chief Sheikh Naim Qassem said Saturday that Lebanon has implemented all its obligations regarding the ceasefire while Israel "has committed to nothing" and that the decision to disarm the group is an "Israeli-American demand". "It is a far-fetched dream" that Hezbollah would hand over its weapons, he said.

Report: Hezbollah tried to prevent army from reaching bombed N. Litani sites

Naharnet/19 January/2026
Hezbollah has changed the way it deals on the ground with the Lebanese Army and it tried to prevent army troops from reaching sites bombed by Israel north of the Litani River, sources told Al-Arabiya’s Al-Hadath channel. The sources added that a fistfight erupted between members of Hezbollah and the allied Amal Movement after Israel bombed buildings in the southern town of Kfar Hatta, with Amal accusing Hezbollah of “storing weapons in residential areas.”Israel has continued to launch regular strikes in south Lebanon even after a ceasefire was agreed with Hezbollah in November 2024 to end more than a year of hostilities. Last week, the Lebanese Army said it had completed disarming Hezbollah south of the Litani River in the first phase of a nationwide plan, though Israel described those efforts as insufficient. The Lebanese government is supposed to discuss in February a plan for disarming Hezbollah north of the Litani River.

Report: US and Israel ask Lebanon to up level of negotiations
Naharnet/19 January/2026
The contacts of the past two days, especially those that followed the meetings of Arab and Western officials with Lebanese leaders, highlighted "the intention of Washington and Tel Aviv to beging working on ending the work of the Mechanism committee in its current form,” a media report said. Lebanese leaders received “a U.S.-Israeli request for raising the level of negotiations” between Lebanon and Israel, with Washington suggesting that Lebanon “agree to the formation of a political-military committee with Israel that would hold its meetings outside the region and exclusively under U.S. sponsorship,” al-Akhbar newspaper said. The new committee would “manage the file of negotiations in order to end the state of animosity between Lebanon and Israel, which would open the door to amending the (1949) Armistice Agreement, with Israel stressing that ending the state of animosity definitely requires getting rid of all forms of armed resistance action, which would make the demand of disarming the Resistance (Hezbollah) part of the new security agreement,” the daily added.

Pro-Aoun minister says arms monopolization on track despite Qassem’s remarks

Naharnet/19 January/2026
The decisions taken by Lebanese authorities regarding arms monopolization “were taken to be implemented and nothing will change the president’s stances,” ministerial sources close to President Joseph Aoun said, in response to Hezbollah chief Sheikh Naim Qassem’s latest remarks. “Qassem wanted to object and escalate in front of his environment, and this all remains rhetorical,” the sources told Asharq al-Awsat newspaper, noting that it is unlikely that Hezbollah would take any steps on the ground. “The course of weapons monopolization is on the right track,” the sources added. The Nidaa al-Watan newspaper meanwhile reported that “a number of mediators sought over the past hours to re-launch indirect dialogue between Aoun and Hezbollah in a bid to alleviate tensions.” Quoting “prominent political sources,” the daily said Qassem escalated the rhetoric in his latest speech “at the request of Iran.”“Iran does not want to lose its last and most important card without anything in return ahead of the negotiations with the United States, which will take place in a matter of a few weeks,” the sources added.

Lebanese Army chief to visit Washington from February 3 to 5

Naharnet/19 January/2026
Army chief Rodolphe Haykal will visit Washington from February 3 to 5, media reports said. Haykal will present to Washington detailed military maps, and a list of Hezbollah sites and tunnels, local TV network MTV said. According to the channel, Haykal will also give deadlines for the implementation of the disarmament plan. In November, a visit by Haykal was cancelled just hours before he was set to depart for Washington, after U.S. officials and senators criticized the Lebanese Army and its chief, accusing them of not doing enough to disarm Hezbollah.
The cancellation included all high-level meetings at the Pentagon and Congress, as well as an official reception at the Lebanese Embassy.

Gracia Azzi’s appointment triggers protests, anger among families of Beirut blast victims
LBCI/19 January/2026
The newly appointed Director General of Customs, Gracia Azzi, has become a focal point of anger for the families of victims of the Beirut Port explosion. Negative reactions to her appointment spilled into the streets, as families gathered outside the Customs Administration building at the port entrance, just meters from her office. Burning tires sent smoke into the air, while trust between the families and the president eroded. The families said their aim was to remove Azzi from her office and prevent her from carrying out her duties. They conveyed their position directly to customs officers and personnel. Later, three family members entered the building but did not find Azzi. Elsewhere, Justice Minister Adel Nassar spoke from Bkerke, reiterating his reserved position on Azzi’s appointment, which he had previously expressed during a Cabinet session. Azzi is a defendant in the Beirut Port explosion case, charged by investigative judge Tarek Bitar with negligence and dereliction of duty during her tenure as a member of the Higher Council of Customs. Her appointment came while the indictment in the case has yet to be issued, due to major obstacles that have delayed both its release and the start of trial proceedings. At a later stage, the Judicial Council is expected to issue rulings against her and others included in the case. In a separate case involving allegations of abuse of power, money laundering, and illicit enrichment, the prosecution file against Azzi was referred by Judge Ghada Aoun to the first investigative judge in Mount Lebanon in April 2019. Since then, for more than six years, the case has not been closed judicially, nor has an indictment been issued. The shelving of this file, along with others, within an indictment panel or any other judicial body remains an issue in itself.

Port blast victims families protest Azzi’s appointment as Customs head
Naharnet/19 January/2026
Families of the Beirut port blast victims protested Monday the appointment of Gracia Azzi as the Director General of Customs in front of her office at the Beirut port. Azzi was summoned for questioning by Judge Tarek Bitar in relation to the 2020 Beirut Port explosion. Some members of Parliament including change MP Ibrahim Mneimneh joined the families of the victims who seemed outraged by the promotion of Azzi. The protestors burned tires and said they won't allow Azzi to enter her office today.

Lebanon present at Davos forum: High-level IMF talks top reform agenda

LBCI/19 January/2026
Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam is set to hold his most prominent meeting at the World Economic Forum in Davos on Thursday with International Monetary Fund (IMF) Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva, as Beirut seeks to underscore progress on long-stalled financial reforms. The talks with Georgieva will include Finance Minister Yassine Jaber and Economy Minister Amer Bisat, who, alongside Salam, were key architects of the draft financial gap law recently approved by the Cabinet and now before Parliament. Notably absent from the Davos meetings will be Banque du Liban (BDL) governor Karim Souaid, who had appeared alongside government officials at the Grand Serail when the bill was formally endorsed. Lebanon's delegation is expected to emphasize to Georgieva and other international officials the broad steps launched domestically to address the financial crisis and align with international standards. Officials argue that Lebanon has already delivered on several core requirements, including amendments lifting banking secrecy, the adoption of a bank restructuring law, and progress toward passing the financial gap law, all of which are ahead of the IMF and World Bank Spring Meetings scheduled for April. Participation in the Davos forum also offers the Lebanese delegation an opportunity to present the government's economic and political priorities to a wide audience of global officials, investors, and major corporations. This will take place through bilateral meetings, panel discussions, and public sessions, including two open encounters with U.S. President Donald Trump and French President Emmanuel Macron, as well as a series of international media appearances. Officials acknowledge that the government is fully aware of international and regional expectations. While Salam is likely to hear the same messages in Davos as in Beirut and elsewhere, the decisive test will remain implementation rather than pledges.

Lebanon's central bank denies reports of talks to sell MEA

LBCI/19 January/2026
Lebanon’s central bank has categorically denied reports circulating in some media and non-media circles claiming that negotiations, discussions, or contacts are underway regarding the full or partial sale of Middle East Airlines (MEA). In a statement, the central bank said there have been no such talks or communications, whether direct or indirect, formal or informal, with any party, individual or entity, local or foreign, either at present or in the foreseeable future.
It urged media outlets and users of various platforms to exercise accuracy and responsibility, stressing that it reserves the right to take appropriate legal action against anyone who promotes or repeats false information that harms the public interest or national institutions.

Nabatieh finance officials arrested over bribery, extortion
LBCI/19 January/2026
Lebanon’s State Security arrested three senior officials at the Nabatieh Regional Finance Department for allegedly taking bribes and extorting citizens. The investigation found that the department head, a division chief, and a senior inspector ran an organized system to solicit payments in exchange for processing administrative transactions. The arrests were carried out following instructions from the Public Prosecutor, and the officials have been referred to the competent judicial authority.

Justice Minister says Beirut Port probe ongoing, objects appointment of Gracia Azzi as director general of customs
LBCI/19 January/2026
Lebanon's Justice Minister Adel Nassar said efforts are continuing to advance the investigation into the Beirut port explosion, led by Judge Tarek Bitar, stressing that authorities are providing full support to facilitate the probe. Speaking after meeting Maronite Patriarch Cardinal Mar Bechara Boutros al-Rahi at the patriarchal headquarters in Bkerke, Nassar said, "Work on the port explosion case is ongoing thanks to the efforts of Judge Tarek Bitar, and we are giving all possible backing to ease his mission." Commenting on the appointment of Gracia Azzi as director general of customs, Nassar said he had objected to the move despite his firm belief in the presumption of innocence. "It is not appropriate for a promotion to take place," he said, adding that the issue was one of suitability rather than a judgment on guilt. Nassar emphasized that the judicial process remains independent, noting that Prime Minister Nawaf Salam had been clear that the government's position does not constitute interference. "The judicial path must reach its conclusions," he said, adding that anyone found guilty would face all legal measures. "The decision not to proceed with the promotion was based on considerations of appropriateness." Asked about cooperation with foreign authorities, Nassar said coordination with international judicial bodies was "very good," particularly between the Lebanese judiciary and its foreign counterparts. He praised Judge Jamal Hajjar, saying he was carrying out his duties effectively and that, while preparing for retirement, he was not stepping down at this stage. Nassar also reaffirmed his commitment to keeping politics out of judicial appointments. "I promised myself to distance politics from judicial nominations," he said, stressing that members of the judiciary have no political affiliations. He credited the head of the Supreme Judicial Council, Judge Souheil Abboud, with safeguarding judicial independence under the most challenging circumstances.

Can Israel be restrained in Lebanon?
Chris Doyle/Arab News/January 19, 2026
Amid the overwhelming tsunami of confusing global and regional events that 2026 has already bestowed upon us, many will have missed the latest developments — good and bad — on the Israeli-Lebanese border. It is now 14 months since a ceasefire agreement formally brought the Israel-Hezbollah conflict, which had continued at varying degrees of intensity since October 2023, to a halt. But the violations are almost daily. The UN Interim Force in Lebanon has documented more than 10,000 Israeli ceasefire violations, with over 300 killed.
Yet, as with Gaza, this is a ceasefire in name only. Also like Gaza, one party — Israel — is actively engaged in military operations with little to no restraint. As with Gaza, Israel has refused to honor its obligation to withdraw from territory it is occupying. In the case of Lebanon, it is five hilltops in the south. As with Gaza, Israel is in violation of multiple UN Security Council resolutions, notably 1701 and 2790. As with Gaza, the Israeli military regularly attacks UN agencies, notably UNIFIL, as it did most recently on Dec. 10, Dec. 26 and Jan. 2. As with Gaza, all the pressure is on the Lebanese authorities and absolutely none on Israel. Lebanon has, in contrast, been fulfilling its obligations. On Jan. 8, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam confirmed that the Lebanese army had completed the first phase of the five-phase disarmament plan and had a monopoly on the use of force in the area south of the Litani River. One exception to this is of course UNIFIL, but more importantly there are also areas still under Israeli military control. Hezbollah is therefore no longer militarily active in this area.
As with Gaza, all the pressure is on the Lebanese authorities and absolutely none on Israel
Cynics would be right to at least question this claim. UNIFIL has confirmed the removal of many weapons and the destruction of tunnels. But Hezbollah is also no longer the power it once was. It was massively degraded during Israel’s onslaught against it in 2024, with the decapitation of its leadership and destruction of much of its military arsenal. Israel accuses Hezbollah of rearming. But is it? The Lebanese government is meant, under the ceasefire agreement, to prevent this, including through better control of its borders, both maritime and with Syria. Yet this should be questioned too. The Assad regime, which was allied to Hezbollah and all too willing to facilitate the transfer of Iranian weapons into Lebanon, is no longer in charge in Syria. The new Syrian authorities view Hezbollah as a hostile force. Iran itself is weakened, less able to arm and fund its allies across the region, including Hezbollah. Israel has hardly furnished any evidence of its claims. Any rearmament that is taking place is likely to be small in comparison to the past, though it should still be thwarted.
The failure to achieve a genuine ceasefire has huge implications on the ground in southern Lebanon. Many Lebanese are waiting to return to their homes. A major reconstruction effort is required but is being held back due to the lack of security.
What underpins all this is the opposing ambitions of all sides. The Lebanese government has outlined very clear priorities. It has shown genuine determination to make the Lebanese army the only armed actor in Lebanon. It demands an end to Israeli attacks and the full withdrawal of Israeli forces from Lebanon. The Lebanese are also seeking the release of about 15 Lebanese prisoners Israel holds. The failure to achieve a genuine ceasefire has huge implications on the ground in southern Lebanon
For Hezbollah, survival is key. Retreating from the south of the Litani is one thing but disarming — including in its south Beirut stronghold — is quite another matter. It needs political cover to do this, with a full Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon a minimum.
The Israeli agenda is not so clear. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has his views but others in his leadership circle do not share them. Do Israeli leaders envisage a strong Lebanese government able to control its sovereign territory or a fractured, weak Lebanon that Israel can exploit? Whereas the Lebanese side may be willing, once the border is demarcated, to entertain a security agreement with Tel Aviv, it is far from ready to deliver what many Israelis and US President Donald Trump dreams of: full normalization. The Lebanese position is that the Arab Peace Initiative of 2002 must be implemented first, which would mean Israel having to end all its occupations. The fear is that Netanyahu, in an Israeli election year, may consider that returning Lebanon to hell suits his interests, meaning he would pursue a military option to smash the last vestiges of Hezbollah. Or maybe he considers he has already beaten Hezbollah. Typically, he views Lebanon in terms of what is happening in Iran.
The hope is that international actors, not least the US, will convince Israel to play ball and achieve lasting peace, including a full Israeli withdrawal, a Hezbollah that is disarmed and demilitarized, and a Lebanese government that is properly sovereign over its own territory.
**Chris Doyle is director of the Council for Arab-British Understanding in London. X: @Doylech

Why Lebanon’s Shia Opposition Sees Opportunity in the 2026 Elections
Claudia Groeling & Kaline Antoun/This is Beirut/January 19/2026
Lebanon’s upcoming parliamentary elections are shaping up as a test of Hezbollah’s political standing at a moment of vulnerability, after the group suffered a major military blow in the 2024 war with Israel and faces mounting pressure from the Lebanese government’s pledge to disarm it nationwide.
Since the 1992 parliamentary elections, the Amal Movement and Hezbollah have largely commanded the 27 seats in the parliament reserved for Shia Muslims. The duopoly has left little room for alternative voices to be heard in the community, let alone elected, establishing an iron grip that Shia opposition activists hope to break in the upcoming elections.
A breakthrough by Shia opposition candidates could also threaten Speaker Nabih Berri’s decades-long hold on the presidency of parliament, a post traditionally reserved for Shia lawmakers. If a non-duopoly MP wins a seat, there is a chance they could be elected speaker.
As the vote approaches—tentatively scheduled for May amid talk of a postponement—This is Beirut spoke with Shia opposition figures about their plans, campaigns, aspirations, and challenges.
Intimidation and Pressure
Despite the material losses and reputational damage Hezbollah suffered from its war with Israel, Shia opposition activists continue to face major political and structural obstacles to mounting a serious challenge to the party.
Opposition candidates speaking to This is Beirut cited voter intimidation by Hezbollah at polling stations as a key challenge and a major factor in depressing Shia turnout, with only about half of the community’s eligible voters casting ballots in the 2022 parliamentary elections.
Ali al-Amin, the founder of the opposition Janoubia outlet, said that the state must properly administer polling centers with relevant security forces. “If I want to enter a polling center, I don’t want to feel that Hezbollah runs and controls it,” the political analyst said.
Amin said he had personally faced voter intimidation, stressing that those who attempt to vote against Hezbollah and Amal can face “real harm, harm that should not be underestimated.”
Pressure on opposition activists does not stop at the ballot box. Ali Mourad, who is preparing to run in the South III district encompassing Bint Jbeil and Nabatieh, said that activists in southern Lebanon—a bulwark of Hezbollah’s support—face unjust accusations of treason for opposing the party. “If you run a small shop, nobody will buy from you,” he said, pointing to social pressure as one example of how dissent can be quietly punished. Mourad said these pressures have hampered his campaign, leaving him unable to rent office space and forcing his party, Tayyar al-Taghyeer Fi al-Janoub, to operate out of his home.
“There is no neutrality of the state, and this creates intimidation,” Mourad said, explaining that municipal buildings, schools and other public buildings in southern Lebanon are plastered with Hezbollah and Amal propaganda.
Mourad said he requests state security protection when meeting Lebanese officials during elections. He emphasized that physical intimidation is a challenge he and other Shia opposition candidates have long had to endure.
Taharror Movement president Ali Khalife, another Shia opposition figure preparing to run for parliament, told This is Beirut that voters considering casting ballots against Hezbollah risk losing social support systems they rely on. The Shia community depends on Hezbollah’s institutions, schools, and health care centers, at the expense of the community’s social and economic rights, according to Khalife.
Hezbollah’s Weakening Grip
The 2024 Hezbollah-Israel War has shattered the organization’s aura of invincibility as it faces tightening restrictions and political isolation. “The idea that [Hezbollah and Amal’s control] is solid and irreversible has collapsed, and restoring it seems impossible,” Amin told This is Beirut.
Jad al-Akhawi, who is considering a parliamentary run in the Baabda district, described the group as critically weak. “They're not in a situation where they can intimidate anyone. The people who used to kill are dead,” he said.
He heads the Lebanese Democrat Coalition, a party founded by Lokman Slim, the prominent critic of Hezbollah assassinated in mysterious circumstances in southern Lebanon. Prior to his murder, Slim stated in writing that Hezbollah and Amal would bear responsibility if he were killed.
“We have reached a point where we are living in zero fear,” Akhawi added. He explained that he has never requested state security protection ahead of the elections. Despite warnings from people concerned for his safety not to travel to southern Lebanon and the Beqaa Valley, Akhawi stressed that he continues to organize and meet people in these areas. Even in the face of such risks, he said, “I am convinced of continuing.”
Amin, for his part, cautioned that a change in the Shia community’s beliefs will only take the Shia opposition movement so far; these beliefs must translate into votes at the ballot box. “At the core of this issue is whether voters feel that the state has returned,” the analyst said.
“If Shia voters do not feel this, I believe there will be no change in the elections,” he added.
Emerging Opportunities
Despite systemic and structural obstacles, opposition activists believe an increasing segment of the Shia community has become receptive to messaging critical of Hezbollah.
Khalife explained that his campaign is targeting the Shia community’s youth, a group that, he argued, is more open to his ideas. “Young Shia are less ideologically attached. They are not convinced by Wilayat al-Faqih or Iranian hegemony. They want to live like other Lebanese youth—Sunni, Christian, Druze,” he said.
“This youth is also more open to peace agreements with Israel because they understand that stability brings economic and social benefits,” the activist added.
Meanwhile, Akhawi argued that the Shia community is increasingly recognizing that Hezbollah’s insistence on retaining its arsenal does not serve its constituents’ interests.
Khalife said Hezbollah’s military failures have created a growing conflict between the organization and the Shia community. “People have endured war, economic collapse, and insecurity. That opens the door for a new political alternative,” he said.
Akhawi added that if the Lebanese state accelerates Hezbollah’s disarmament north of the Litani River before the parliamentary elections, more Shia voters would be willing to support opposition candidates due to reduced intimidation at electoral sites. However, he cautioned that disarmament alone would not be enough.
“We have to remember that Hezbollah is not only about its arms, but also about the institutions,” he said. Akhawi explained that Hezbollah’s continued control over essential state services and southern Lebanon’s social fabric would still drive voters toward the group even if it were disarmed. Hezbollah’s opponents have greater opportunities in districts with greater sectarian diversity, where political power is shared among parties, than in mostly Shia districts long controlled by Hezbollah and Amal, Amin said.
He added that the Shia community in the districts with a mix of Christian, Druze and Sunni parliamentary seats will be more receptive to opposition messaging and less affected by voter intimidation than voters in southern Lebanon.
In mixed districts such as Baabda, Zahle, Jbeil–Keserwan, Beirut II—the western half of the capital—and the Western Bekaa, “change could realistically lead to the election of between four or five Shia opposition MPs, at a minimum, under current conditions,” Amin said.
He said that if conditions improve slightly by election time, this number could increase.
Timing Could Tip the Scale
The mechanism of diaspora voting in the elections could prove a decisive factor in the vote and whether it is held on time. Parliament Speaker Berri, who heads the Amal Movement, has blocked in the legislature a proposed amendment to the electoral law to allow Lebanese expatriates to vote abroad in their districts of origin.
Instead, Berri and Hezbollah have pushed for the diaspora vote to be limited to six seats specifically created for expatriates voting abroad, as called for by the 2017 electoral law, but never implemented. In the 2018 and 2022 elections, Lebanese residing in foreign countries could cast ballots for their home districts. The parliamentary deadlock on diaspora voting could lead legislators to push back the date of the parliamentary elections, as they did in 2013, with the voting delayed by four years.
Amal and Hezbollah believe that allowing Lebanese votes from abroad in all 128 parliamentary seats could disadvantage their electoral chances. Shia opposition figures look to such a diaspora voting mechanism as a pathway to success.
Akhawi told This is Beirut that he would only run if the diaspora voting amendment is passed in parliament. Without such action, he said that it would be “nearly impossible” to compete against Hezbollah and Amal.
He added that Hezbollah opposes delaying the elections, arguing that the group is already weakened and risks losing further ground. “If the elections don’t happen on time, they know they will lose a lot,” the activist said.
Khalife told This is Beirut that a postponement of the elections could help Shia opposition groups. “More time could allow the opposition to prepare better. If postponement increases our chances to make change happen, we will use that time,” he said.
Unified or Split: The Opposition Dilemma
A key question ahead of the parliamentary elections is whether Shia opposition candidates will form a unified front or run separately in their respective districts, potentially splitting the vote.
Akhawi said he would not run on a joint slate with other opposition candidates in the Baabda district for one of its two Shia seats. While this could split the vote, he argued that candidates should preserve their distinct political identities and align only with those who share their values, warning that a unified list could turn the Shia opposition into a monolithic movement.
Meanwhile, Mourad—who is preparing to run for one of the three Shia seats in the South III district—urged flexibility and unity within the opposition to Hezbollah. Still, he warned that alliances should only be formed with groups that support Hezbollah’s disarmament.
Khalife, who is contesting the lone Shia seat in the Jbeil–Keserwan district, said that he is open to cross-sectarian alliances with parties running for other seats, but only if they are built on shared values and not for electoral calculation.
“If we cannot form a principled coalition, we prefer to continue building our political project, even if electoral success has to wait,” he said.
Akhawi urged Christian, Sunni, and Druze parties opposed to Hezbollah to back the Shia opposition rather than align with Amal or Hezbollah for tactical electoral calculations. “You can’t keep asking where the liberal Shia are. We are here,” he said. He added that Lebanese Forces (LF) candidates will likely support Shia opposition figures in several districts, including Baabda and Jbeil. “They are going to be obliged to help us,” he said. Such support, however, would be conditional, limited to candidates who strongly back Hezbollah’s disarmament and have no alignment with it or Amal.
Mourad also said he believes the LF will support the election of Shia opposition candidates, provided it does not come at the expense of a Christian seat. He also urged Druze parties and the Kataeb Party to back Shia opposition candidates, stressing that their support is essential.
Amin echoed that view, insisting that the status quo cannot be treated as a strictly Shia issue. “No one can say, ‘This is a Shia problem; let the Shia deal with it,’” he said, arguing that change in the Shia political landscape depends on shifts at the national level.
Breaking the Duopoly
If the Shia opposition manages to break through and win parliamentary seats, it could challenge Berri’s grip on the presidency of the parliament, a post reserved for Shia MPs that the Amal Movement leader has held since 1992.
“I am sure we will see a new speaker [of the parliament], whether he comes from the opposition or from another camp,” Amin said, adding that even a foothold for the opposition in parliament would be enough to alter the political equation.
For the Shia opposition, success is not just limited to winning seats, but to breaking the logic of monopoly that has allowed a single camp to claim exclusive ownership of Shia votes for decades.
“The parliamentary elections in themselves are not the objective. It is only one step within a permanent political project,” Khalife said.
“We are not here for a temporary electoral moment. We are here to build something that lasts,” he concluded.

The Latest English LCCC Miscellaneous Reports And News published on January 19-20/2026
At least 5,000 killed in Iran’s protests, judiciary hints at resuming executions
The Arab Weekly/19 January/2026
Iran’s president warned on Sunday that any US strike would trigger a “harsh response” from Tehran after an Iranian official in the region said at least 5,000 people including about 500 security personnel had been killed in nationwide protests. Iran’s protests, sparked last month in Tehran’s Grand Bazaar over economic grievances, swiftly turned political and spread nationwide, drawing participants from across generations and income groups, shopkeepers, students, men and women, the poor and the well-off, calling for the end of clerical rule. US President Donald Trump has repeatedly threatened to intervene if protesters continued to be killed on the streets or were executed. He said in an interview with Politico on Saturday: “it’s time to look for new leadership in Iran”. Iran indicated on Sunday it might go ahead with execution of people detained during the unrest, and with its clerical rulers facing mounting international pressure over the bloodiest unrest since the 1979 Islamic revolution, is seeking to deter Trump from stepping in. Iran’s President Masoud Pezeshkian on X warned that Tehran’s response “to any unjust aggression will be harsh and regrettable”, adding that any attack on the country’s supreme leader is “tantamount to an all-out war against the nation”.Protests dwindled last week following a violent crackdown. US-based rights group HRANA said on Saturday the death toll had reached 3,308, with another 4,382 cases under review. It said it had confirmed more than 24,000 arrests.
On Friday, Trump thanked Tehran’s leaders in a social media post, saying they had called off scheduled executions of 800 people. He has moved US military assets into the region but has not specified what he might do. A day later, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei branded Trump a “criminal”, acknowledging “several thousand deaths” that he blamed on “terrorists and rioters” linked to the US and Israel. Iran’s judiciary indicated that executions may go ahead. “A series of actions have been identified as Mohareb, which is among the most severe Islamic punishments,” Iranian judiciary spokesman Asghar Jahangir told a press conference on Sunday. According to the clerical regime’s legal lexicon, “Mohareb” means to wage war against God and is punishable by death. The Iranian official told Reuters that the verified death toll was unlikely to “increase sharply”, adding “Israel and armed groups abroad” had supported and equipped those taking to the streets. The theocratic establishment regularly blames unrest on foreign enemies, including the US and Israel, an arch foe of the Islamic Republic which launched military strikes in June. Internet blackouts were partly lifted for a few hours on Saturday but internet monitoring group NetBlocks said they later resumed. One resident in Tehran said that last week he had witnessed riot police directly shooting at a group of protesters, who were mostly young men and women. Videos circulating on social media have shown security forces crushing demonstrations across the country. The Iranian official, who declined to be named due to the sensitivity of the issue, also said some of the heaviest clashes and highest number of deaths were in the Iranian Kurdish areas in the country’s northwest. Kurdish separatists have been active there and flare-ups have been among the most violent in past periods of unrest. Sources told Reuters on January 14 that armed Kurdish separatist groups sought to cross the border into Iran from Iraq in a sign of foreign entities potentially seeking to take advantage of instability. Faizan Ali, a 40-year-old medical doctor from Lahore, said he had to cut short his trip to Iran to visit his Iranian wife in the central city of Isfahan as “there was no internet or communication with my family in Pakistan”.“I saw a violent mob burning buildings, banks and cars. I also witnessed an individual stab a passer-by,” he told Reuters upon his arrival back in Lahore.

Iran to consider lifting Internet ban; state TV hacked
Reuters/January 19, 2026
DUBAI: Iran may lift its Internet blackout in a few days, a senior parliament member said on Monday, after authorities shut communications while they used massive force to crush protests ​in the worst domestic unrest since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. In the latest sign of weakness in the authorities’ control, state television appeared to be hacked late on Sunday, briefly showing speeches by US President Donald Trump and the exiled son of Iran’s last shah calling on the public to revolt. Iran’s streets have largely been quiet for a week, authorities and social media posts indicated, since anti-government protests that began in late December were put down in three days of mass violence. An Iranian official told Reuters on condition of anonymity that the confirmed death toll was more than 5,000, including 500 members ‌of the security ‌forces, with some of the worst unrest taking place in ethnic ‌Kurdish ⁠areas ​in the ‌northwest. Western-based Iranian rights groups also say thousands were killed.
ARRESTS REPORTED TO BE CONTINUING
US-based Iranian Kurdish rights group HRANA reported on Monday that a significant number of injuries to protesters came from pellet fire to the face and chest that led to blindings, internal bleeding and organ injuries. State television reported arrests continuing across Iran on Sunday, including Tehran, Kerman in the south, and Semnan just east of the capital. It said those detained included agents of what it called Israeli terrorist groups. Opponents accuse the authorities of opening fire on peaceful demonstrators ⁠to crush dissent. Iran’s clerical rulers say armed crowds encouraged by foreign enemies attacked hospitals and mosques.The death tolls dwarf those of ‌previous bouts of anti-government unrest put down by the authorities in ‍2022 and 2009. The violence drew repeated threats ‍from Trump to intervene militarily, although he has backed off since the large-scale killing stopped. Trump’s warnings raised ‍fears among Gulf Arab states of a wider escalation and they conducted intense diplomacy with Washington and Tehran. Iran’s ambassador to Saudi Arabia Alireza Enayati said on Monday that “igniting any conflict will have consequences for the entire region.”
INTERNET TO RETURN WHEN ‘CONDITIONS ARE APPROPRIATE’
Iranian communications including Internet and international phone lines were largely stopped in the days ​leading up to the worst unrest. The blackout has since partially eased, allowing accounts of widespread attacks on protesters to emerge. The Internet monitoring group Netblocks said on Monday ⁠that metrics showed national connectivity remained minimal, but that a “filternet” with managed restrictions was allowing some messages through, suggesting authorities were testing a more heavily filtered Internet. Ebrahim Azizi, the head of parliament’s National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, said top security bodies would decide on restoring Internet in the coming days, with service resuming “as soon as security conditions are appropriate.”Another parliament member, hard-liner Hamid Rasaei, said authorities should have listened to earlier complaints by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei about “lax cyberspace.”
During Sunday’s apparent hack into state television, screens broadcast a segment lasting several minutes with the on-screen headline “the real news of the Iranian national revolution.”It included messages from Reza Pahlavi, the US-based son of Iran’s last shah, calling for a revolt to overthrow rule by the Shiite Muslim clerics who have run the country since the 1979 revolution that toppled his father.Pahlavi has emerged as ‌a prominent opposition voice and has said he plans to return to Iran, although it is difficult to assess independently how strong support for him is inside Iran.

Iran police chief issues surrender ultimatum over ‘riots’
AFP/19 January/2026
Iran’s national police chief said on Monday that people who were “deceived” into joining demonstrations the authorities have deemed “riots” would receive lighter punishment if they turned themselves in within three days. “Young people who became unwittingly involved in the riots are considered to be deceived individuals, not enemy soldiers,” and “will be treated with leniency by the Islamic Republic system,” Ahmad-Reza Radan told state television, adding they had “a maximum of three days” to surrender. Demonstrations sparked in late December by anger over economic hardship exploded into protests widely seen as the biggest challenge to the Iranian leadership in years. The protests subsided after a violent crackdown rights groups said left thousands dead. Iranian officials have said the demonstrations were peaceful before turning into “riots” fueled by Iran’s arch-foes the United States and Israel and aimed at destabilizing the Islamic Republic. Security officials cited by the Tasnim news agency said late last week around 3,000 people have been arrested in connection to the demonstrations, as rights groups say the number is up to 20,000.Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei said on Saturday authorities “must break the back of the seditionists” and said domestic and foreign “criminals” would not be spared punishment.

Israel boosts air force readiness as it weighs options against Iran
LBCI/19 January/2026
Israel's army chief Eyal Zamir has instructed the air force to intensify its readiness and preparations for various scenarios involving a potential Iranian response in the event of a strike or a new war. Alert levels have been raised across air force bases for an open-ended period. As part of these measures, Nevatim Air Base, for example, was reinforced with three F-35 fighter jets. As Tel Aviv monitors developments in Iran, it has emerged that Israel has opted not to carry out a strike at this stage, preferring to wait until it can ensure the collapse of the regime and secure an alternative. While security officials consider a strike necessary and view ongoing demonstrations and protests inside Iran as a significant opportunity, it was revealed that the most recent conversation between U.S. President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addressed the view that toppling the regime would require readiness for a prolonged conflict. At a time when a military report said the Israeli air force is capable of launching a heavy and powerful attack on Iran that could even contribute to the regime's collapse, military figures warned that such assumptions and decisions would be reckless. Retired Gen. Itzhak Brik described them as destructive Israeli arrogance.

Turkey’s Erdogan hopes Iran unrest will be resolved through diplomacy
AFP/19 January/2026
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Monday described the unrest in Iran as a “new test” for Tehran, pledging Turkey would “stand against any initiative” that would drag the region into chaos. “We believe that, with a ... policy prioritizing dialogue and diplomacy, our Iranian brothers will, God willing, get through this trap-filled period,” Erdogan said in a televised speech after the weekly cabinet meeting. That was the first time Erdogan spoke about the protests gripping the Islamic Republic, during which thousands of people have been killed. Before the latest bout of unrest, the Iranian government was already battling an economic crisis after years of sanctions, as well as recovering from the June war against Israel. WEF says Iran’s FM will not attend Davos, ‘not right’ after deadly protests “Our neighbor Iran, following the Israeli attacks, is now facing a new test that targets its social peace and stability,” Erdogan said. “We are all watching the scenarios that are being attempted to be written through the streets,” he added. “With our foreign policy centered on peace and stability, we will continue to stand against any initiative that risks dragging our region into uncertainty.” Turkey’s Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan on Thursday said Ankara opposed a military operation against Iran, a strategy US President Donald Trump has repeatedly discussed as a way of aiding the Iranian people over the crackdown on protests.

France to decline Trump ‘peace board’ invite, source close to Macron says

AFP/19 January/2026
France “does not intend to answer favorably” to an invitation to join US President Donald Trump’s “Board of Peace,” a source close to President Emmanuel Macron told AFP on Monday. The board was originally conceived to oversee the rebuilding of war-torn Gaza, but the charter does not appear to limit its role to the occupied Palestinian territory. Its charter “goes beyond the sole framework of Gaza,” the source close to the French president said. “It raises major questions, particularly regarding respect for the principles and structure of the United Nations, which under no circumstances can be called into question,” they added. France is a permanent member of the UN Security Council. Earlier Monday, its foreign ministry issued a statement reiterating France’s commitment to the UN. “This remains the keystone of effective multilateralism, where international law, the sovereign equality of states, and the peaceful settlement of disputes prevail over arbitrariness, power politics and war,” it said. The ministry added it was reviewing the proposed legal framework of the board with its partners, raising concern that the “project extends beyond the situation in Gaza.”The source close to the French president however noted that France “remains fully committed to a ceasefire in Gaza and to a credible political horizon for Palestinians and Israelis.”

Israel’s Netanyahu says no place for Turkish, Qatari soldiers in Gaza force
AFP/20 January/2026
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu vowed Monday there would be no place for Turkish or Qatari soldiers in post-war Gaza and reiterated Israel’s objection to the composition of a US-backed advisory panel for the Palestinian territory. As part of US President Donald Trump’s 20-point plan to end the war in Gaza, the White House announced last week a “Board of Peace,” chaired by Trump himself, a Palestinian committee of technocrats meant to govern the war-wracked territory, and a second “Gaza executive board” that appears designed to have a more advisory role. Netanyahu has previously expressed objections to the make-up of the “Gaza executive board.”“In the Gaza Strip, we are on the eve of phase two of the Trump plan. Phase two means one simple thing: Hamas will be disarmed and Gaza will be demilitarized,” Netanyahu said in parliament. “There will be no Turkish or Qatari soldiers in the Gaza Strip,” he added, in an apparent reference to the International Stabilization Force (ISF) for the territory set out under the Trump plan. It is yet to be determined which contingents will make up the force, which will be tasked with providing security in Gaza and training a new police force to succeed Hamas. Trump on Friday named US Major General Jasper Jeffers to head the ISF in Gaza.On Monday, Netanyahu went on to say: “We have a certain disagreement with our friends in the United States regarding the composition of the advisory council that will accompany the processes in Gaza.”Netanyahu’s office objected on Saturday to the composition of the “Gaza executive board,” which includes Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan and Qatari diplomat Ali al-Thawadi, alongside other regional and international officials. “The Prime Minister has instructed the Foreign Affairs Minister to contact the US Secretary of State on this matter,” a statement from Netanyahu’s office said on Saturday. It did not explain the reason for its objection, but Israel has previously objected strongly to any Turkish role in post-war Gaza, with relations between the two countries deteriorating sharply since the war began in October 2023. The “Board of Peace” was originally conceived to oversee the rebuilding of Gaza, but the charter does not appear to limit its role to the occupied Palestinian territory. The Palestinian technocratic committee, meanwhile, held its initial meetings last week in Cairo.

Over 9,350 Palestinians held in Israeli detention as of January
Arab News/January 19, 2026
LONDON: The number of Palestinian detainees and prisoners in Israeli prisons and detention centers has surpassed 9,350 as of early January 2026, according to reports from Palestinian prisoners’ organizations. According to the institutions, based on data released by the Israeli Prison Service, the detainees include 53 women and girls, two of whom are minors, and around 350 children held in Megiddo and Ofer prisons. The total number of administrative detainees is 3,385, while those classified by Israel as “unlawful combatants” amount to 1,237. This figure does not account for all detainees from Gaza held in Israeli military camps under this classification, which also includes a few Arab detainees from Lebanon and Syria.Prisoners’ institutions reported that approximately 50 percent of detainees are held without charges, either under administrative detention or classified as “unlawful combatants” by Israel.
Administrative detainees account for over 36 percent of all Palestinians in Israeli prisons. The classifications of administrative detention and “unlawful combatants” permit the indefinite detention of individuals without charge in military detention centers.

UK’s Blair distances himself from Trump’s $1 billion peace board fee
Bloomberg/19 January/2026
Tony Blair, the former UK prime minister who’s been appointed to the executive panel of Donald Trump’s Board of Peace, distanced himself from the president’s demand that countries pay $1 billion for permanent membership.Blair declined to endorse the request for the funds, which is part of a draft charter for the nascent organization, in a further sign that the details of the peace board are provoking opposition from US allies and partners over Trump’s project. A spokesperson for Tony Blair said Sunday he isn’t involved in determining the board’s membership, indicating he would not publicly support the proposal. The spokesperson added that questions about the $1 billion fee should be directed to the Trump administration. Some countries would likely refuse to join the Board as a result of Trump’s terms, people familiar with the matter said. Others may agree in principle to joining the Board of Peace but decline to pay the fee for permanent membership, they added. They would then either seek to negotiate it away or quit the board if Trump insisted on the idea, the people said. Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney said on Sunday he had agreed in principle to joining the board but not to the payments. “With respect to the specifics of the Board of Peace, we haven’t gone through all the details of the structure, how it’s going to work, what financing is for, et cetera. And so we will work through those in the coming days,” he said. A Canadian official said that the government indeed won’t pay for a seat and that the draft charter is still under discussion. Canada indicated Carney would accept the invitation to join the board in part so that it could try to shape the process from within, the official added.

World leaders wary of Trump’s ‘Board of Peace’ mandate amid fears for UN

The Arab Weekly/19 January/2026
Governments reacted cautiously on Sunday to US President Donald Trump’s invitation to join his “Board of Peace” initiative aimed at resolving conflicts globally, a plan that diplomats said could harm the work of the United Nations. Only Hungary, whose leader is a close Trump ally, gave an unequivocal acceptance in response to the invitations, which have been addressed to some 60 nations and began arriving in European capitals on Saturday, according to diplomats. Other governments appeared reluctant to make public statements, leaving officials to express concerns anonymously about the impact on the work of the UN. The board would be chaired for life by Trump and would start by addressing the Gaza conflict and then be expanded to deal with other conflicts, according to a copy of the letter and draft charter. Member states would be limited to three-year terms unless they pay $1 billion each to fund the board’s activities and earn permanent membership, the letter states. “This simply offers permanent membership to partner countries who demonstrate deep commitment to peace, security and prosperity,” the White House said in a post on X. Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, visiting South Korea, told reporters her country was “ready to do our part”, although it was not clear whether she was specifically referring to Gaza or the broader peace. Canada’s Prime Minister Mark Carney said on Sunday he had agreed to Trump’s Board of Peace for Gaza in principle although details were still being worked out.
A mandate for a Board of Peace was authorised by the United Nations Security Council in November, but only until 2027 and solely focused on the Gaza conflict. Russia and China, two veto wielding powers, abstained, complaining that the resolution did not give the UN a clear role in the future of Gaza. The inclusion of a ‘charter’ in the invitation letter stoked concerns among some European governments that it could undermine the work of the United Nations, which Trump has accused of not supporting his efforts to end conflicts around the world. “It’s a ‘Trump United Nations’ that ignores the fundamentals of the UN charter,” said one diplomat. Three other Western diplomats said it looked as if it would undermine the United Nations if it went ahead. A further three diplomats and an Israeli source said that Trump wanted the Board of Peace to eventually have a broader role beyond Gaza that would oversee the other conflicts that Trump has said he has resolved. The leaders of France, Germany, Italy, Hungary, Australia, Canada, the European Commission and key Middle East powers were among those invited, according to officials. “We have, of course, accepted this honourable invitation,” Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, a close ally of Trump, wrote on X. The document said “durable peace requires pragmatic judgment, common-sense solutions, and the courage to depart from approaches and institutions that have too often failed”. There was a “need for a more nimble and effective international peace-building body”, it added. A spokesman for UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said Guterres “believes Member States are free to associate in different groups” in response to a question about the draft US charter for a Board of Peace. “The United Nations will continue with its mandated work,” deputy UN spokesman Farhan Haq said. Trump, who covets the Nobel Peace Prize, said in the letter that the board would convene in the near future, adding: “This board will be one of a kind, there has never been anything like it!”
Another senior UN official did not address the plan directly, but said the United Nations was the only institution with the moral and legal ability to bring together every nation, big or small. “And if we question that … we fall back and very, very, dark, times,” Annalena Baerbock, president of the United Nations General Assembly, told Sky News, adding that it was up to individual states to decide what to do. Trump has long been wary of multilateral institutions, particularly the United Nations. He has repeatedly questioned the effectiveness, cost and accountability of international bodies, arguing they often fail to serve US interests. The US, which is required to pay 22 percent of the UN’s regular budget, currently owes $1.5 billion, according to UN officials. The White House on Friday named some individuals who will sit on the board, which would outlive its role supervising the temporary governance of Gaza, under a fragile ceasefire since October. They included US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, President Donald Trump’s special envoy Steve Witkoff, former British prime minister Tony Blair and Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner. Israel and the Palestinian militant group Hamas signed off on Trump’s plan, which says a Palestinian technocratic administration will be overseen by an international board, which will supervise Gaza’s governance for a transitional period. “It’s going to, in my opinion, start with Gaza and then do conflicts as they arise,” President Donald Trump told Reuters in an interview earlier this week.
Many rights experts and advocates have said that Trump overseeing a board to supervise a foreign territory’s governance resembles a colonial structure, while Blair’s involvement was criticised last year due to his role in the Iraq war and the history of British imperialism in the Middle East. The White House did not detail the responsibilities of each member of the board. The names do not include any Palestinians. The White House said more members will be announced over the coming weeks.It also named a separate, 11-member “Gaza Executive Board” to support the technocratic body including officials from Turkey and Qatar. Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s office said the composition of this board had not been coordinated with Israel and contradicted its policy.

Prince Faisal discusses latest regional developments with US counterpart

Al Arabiya English/19 January/2026
Saudi Arabia’s Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan spoke by phone on Monday with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio to discuss the latest regional developments, the official Saudi Press Agency reported. SPA said Prince Faisal also held separate phone calls on Monday with the foreign ministers of Turkey, Jordan, Pakistan and Oman, during which regional issues were discussed. On the same day, Prince Faisal also received a written message from Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov “concerning bilateral relations between the two countries and ways to support and strengthen them in all fields,” SPA reported. The message was delivered to Saudi Deputy Foreign Minister Waleed al-Khuraiji during a meeting in Riyadh with Russia’s ambassador to the Kingdom, Sergei Kozlov, SPA added.

Syria says 120 Daesh detainees escaped prison; Kurdish website said 1,500 escaped
Reuters/January 20, 2026
CAIRO: Syria’s Interior Ministry ​said on Tuesday that about 120 Daesh detainees escaped from Shaddadi prison, after the Kurdish website Rudaw reported that a spokesperson for the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces, ‌Farhad Shami, said ‌around 1,500 Daesh ⁠members ​had ‌escaped. The Syrian ministry said Syrian army units and ministry special forces entered Shaddadi following the breakout. It said security forces had recaptured 81 of the escapees ⁠after search and sweep operations in ‌the town and surrounding ‍areas, with efforts ‍continuing to arrest the ‍remaining fugitives. Earlier, the Syrian army said “a number of” Daesh militants had escaped a prison that had ​been under SDF control in the eastern city of Shaddadi, ⁠accusing the SDF of releasing them. After days of fighting with government forces, the SDF agreed on Sunday to withdraw from both Raqqa and Deir Ezzor, two Arab-majority provinces they had controlled for years and the location of Syria’s main oil fields.

Al-Sharaa, Trump expressed shared desire for ‘unified’ Syria in call, Damascus says
Al Arabiya English/20 January/2026
Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa spoke by phone on Monday with US President Donald Trump, with both leaders expressing a shared desire for a “strong and unified” Syria, the Syrian presidency said. Al-Sharaa and Trump “expressed their shared aspiration to see a strong and unified Syria, capable of confronting regional and international challenges,” the Syrian presidency said. The two urged preserving the rights of Kurdish people ‍within the Syrian state and ‍agreed to ‍continue cooperation ⁠to ‌combat the ISIS, ‍the presidency added. The call came a day after Syria’s government signed a sweeping integration agreement with the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), although tensions persisted the following day. Al-Sharaa and Trump “emphasized the importance of preserving Syria’s territorial integrity and independence, and supporting all efforts aimed at achieving stability,” the Syrian presidency said. The Syrian presidency said the discussion stressed the importance of “giving Syria a new opportunity to move toward a better future.”

Syria tightens grip after Kurdish pullback, says ISIS prisoners escape
Al Arabiya English/19 January/2026
Syrian government troops tightened their grip on Monday across a swathe ‍of northern and eastern territory after it was abruptly abandoned by Kurdish forces in a dramatic shift that has consolidated President Ahmed al-Sharaa’s rule. A day after the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), once the main US ally in Syria, agreed to quit ‍large areas under a ceasefire, the Syrian army said “a number of” ISIS militants had escaped a prison that had been under SDF control in the eastern city of Shaddadi, accusing the SDF of releasing them. The SDF said it had lost control of the prison following an attack by government fighters. The Syrian army denied attacking the jail and said its forces would work to secure the prison and re-arrest the escapees. The SDF said Shaddadi prison had held thousands of militants. The army did not say how many ISIS detainees had fled. The SDF withdrawals mark the biggest change in Syria’s control map since fighters led by al-Sharaa toppled Bashar al-Assad in 2024, tilting ⁠the power balance al-Sharaa’s way after months of deadlock in talks with the SDF over government demands its forces merge fully with Damascus. After days of fighting with government forces, the SDF agreed on Sunday to withdraw from both Raqqa and Deir al-Zor – two Arab-majority provinces they had controlled for years and the location of Syria’s main oil fields. Turkey, which has repeatedly sent forces into northern Syria to curb Kurdish power since 2016, welcomed the deal signed by its ally al-Sharaa and SDF commander Mazloum Abdi. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan urged the swift implementation of the agreement that requires the full integration of Kurdish fighters into Syria’s armed forces. The SDF, spearheaded by the Kurdish YPG militia, had established control of a quarter or more of Syria during the 2011-2024 civil war, whilst fighting with the support of US troops against ISIS. The United States, which has since established close ties with al-Sharaa under President Donald Trump, has been closely involved in mediation between the sides.
The SDF media office said in a statement that the prison at Shaddadi – one of three under its control ‍in the Hasakah region – had come under repeated attack by “Damascus factions,” and that dozens of SDF fighters were killed or wounded defending it.
The statement added that the US-led coalition against ISIS had not intervened despite repeated appeals to a nearby ‍coalition base. The US military’s Central Command did not immediately respond to an ‍emailed request for comment. In its denial of the ⁠SDF account, the Syrian defense ministry said army forces had bypassed Shaddadi, in line with deployment plans, and ‌offered aid to SDF forces inside. The Syrian army announced it ⁠had established control over the city of Shaddadi and the prison. The Syrian defense ministry ‍also denied an SDF account of clashes between government and SDF forces near a jail in Raqqa, which the SDF said was holding ISIS inmates. It said the army had arrived “at the vicinity of al-Aqtan prison ... and began securing it and ⁠its surroundings despite the presence of SDF forces inside.”The SDF said nine of its fighters were killed and 20 wounded in clashes around al-Aqtan.
Hasakah province, which largely remains under SDF control, is home to the Kurdish-majority city of Qamishli, the main prisons holding ISIS detainees, and a camp holding thousands of ISIS-linked prisoners. Reuters journalists saw government forces deployed in the city of Raqqa that the SDF had captured from ISIS in 2017, and at oil and gas facilities in the eastern province of Deir al-Zor – both areas the Kurdish forces had held for years. It follows the withdrawal of Kurdish forces from districts of Aleppo city they had controlled for years after fighting there earlier this month.The 14-point deal published by Syria’s presidency showed Abdi’s signature alongside al-Sharaa’s. It stipulates that the prisons, along with all border crossings and oil and gas fields, would be handed to government control – steps the SDF had long resisted.The ‍timing of the handover of the prisons and camps was not announced.
Abdi, the SDF commander, confirmed on Sunday that the SDF had agreed to withdraw from Deir al-Zor and Raqqa provinces. Abdi said he is set to meet al-Sharaa in Damascus on Monday and would share the details of the agreement with the public after his return to SDF-held territory, Kurdish media reported. The deal says that all SDF forces will be merged into the defense and interior ministries as “individuals” and not as units, as the SDF had sought. It commits the SDF to expel all non-Syrian figures affiliated to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), a Kurdish militant group which fought a decades-long insurgency in Turkey. Senior figures from Erdogan’s ruling AK Party said this removed a major obstacle to Turkey’s peace process with PKK militants.With Reuters

Shell seeks to exit Syria’s al-Omar oilfield, official says
Reuters/19 January/2026
The head of the ‍Syrian Petroleum Company, Youssef Qeblawi, said ‍on Monday that oil major Shell had requested to withdraw from the al-Omar oilfield ⁠and transfer its share to Syria’s state-owned operators. The oilfield came under Syrian government control at the weekend, following a lightning offensive against ‍Kurdish forces. Qeblawi, speaking from al-Omar, said ‍that ‍Syria was ⁠still negotiating the ‌terms of a ⁠financial ‍settlement with Shell to gain full ⁠ownership of the field. He also said ‌ConocoPhillips would return to invest in Syrian gas fields and that other American companies, including ‍Chevron, are planning to enter the market for the first time.

RSF used mass graves to conceal war crimes in Sudan, ICC deputy prosecutor says

AFP/20 January/2026
Sudan’s paramilitary Rapid Support Forces carried out mass killings in Darfur and attempted to conceal them with mass graves, the International Criminal Court’s deputy prosecutor said on Monday. In a briefing to the UN Security Council, Nazhat Shameem Khan said it was the “assessment of the office of the prosecutor that war crimes and crimes against humanity” had been committed in the RSF’s takeover of the city of al-Fashir in October. “Our work has been indicative of mass killing events and attempts to conceal crimes through the establishment of mass graves,” Khan said in a video address, citing audio and video evidence as well as satellite imagery. Since April 2023, a civil war between the Sudanese army and the RSF has killed tens of thousands, displaced 11 million and created the world’s largest displacement and hunger crisis. Reports of mass killings, sexual violence, abductions and looting emerged in the wake of the RSF’s sweep of al-Fashir, which was the army’s last holdout position in the Darfur region. Both warring sides have been accused of atrocities throughout the war. Footage reviewed by the ICC, Khan said, showed RSF fighters detaining, abusing and executing civilians in al-Fashir, then celebrating the killings and “desecrating corpses.” According to Khan, the material matched testimony gathered from affected communities, while submissions from civil society groups and other partners had further corroborated the evidence. The atrocities in al-Fashir, she added, mirror those documented in the West Darfur capital of al-Geneina in 2023, where UN experts determined the RSF killed between 10,000 and 15,000 people, mostly from the Massalit tribe. She said a picture was emerging of “appalling organized, widespread mass criminality.”“It will continue until this conflict and the sense of impunity that fuels it are stopped,” she added. Khan also issued a renewed call for Sudanese authorities to “work with us seriously” to ensure the surrender of all individuals subject to outstanding warrants, including former longtime president Omar al-Bashir, former ruling party chairman Ahmed Haroun and ex-defense minister Abdul Raheem Mohammed Hussein. She said Haroun’s arrest in particular should be “given priority.”Haroun faces 20 counts of crimes against humanity and 22 war-crimes charges for his role in recruiting the Janjaweed militia, which carried out ethnic massacres in Darfur in the 2000s and later became the RSF. He escaped prison in 2023 and has since reappeared rallying support for the Sudanese army. Khan spoke to the UN Security Council via video link after being denied a visa to attend in New York due to sanctions in place against her by the United States.

Jabal Hadid camp in Yemen’s Aden handed over under plan to relocate military bases
Al Arabiya English/19 January/2026
Two military sources said on Monday that the Giants Brigades handed over Jabal Hadid camp in Yemen’s temporary capital, Aden, to Facilities Protection Forces, marking the first practical step in a plan to reposition military units outside urban areas. The move was carried out in line with directives from Presidential Leadership Council member Abdulrahman al-Muharrami and Minister of State and Aden Governor Abdulrahman Sheikh, and in coordination with the Arab Coalition, the Ministry of Defense, and the General Staff, according to a statement issued by the Giants Brigades’ media center. The statement said the handover marks the start of the field implementation of a plan to remove military camps from within the city, aiming to reduce the military presence in residential neighborhoods and reinforce Aden’s civilian and security character as the temporary capital. It added that the plan calls for keeping only regular security services inside the city, including police, road security (Najda), emergency forces, facilities protection units, and specialized forces tasked with safeguarding vital infrastructure. For its part, Yemen’s official news agency reported that the evacuation of Jabal Hadid camp of troops, weapons, and ammunition represents the first phase of an approved plan to end armed manifestations in Aden, under the supervision of the Joint Forces supporting the internationally recognized government. The agency quoted Brigadier General Abu Khaled al-Turki, chief of staff of the Third Giants Brigade Division, as saying the redeployment aims to enable security agencies to carry out their duties in maintaining security and stability. Colonel Kamal al-Kaladi, head of operations for Facilities Protection, said the force that took over the camp will operate under the supervision of local authorities to strengthen security in the city, which has been declared the temporary capital of the internationally recognized government. Earlier on Monday, the minister of state and Aden governor ordered the start of implementing the plan to reposition military units outside the city, as part of efforts to reduce the military presence in residential areas and reinforce the city’s civilian and security identity. A statement from the governor’s office said the decision was discussed during a meeting attended by Deputy Chief of the General Staff Major General Ahmed al-Basr Salem, Military Police Commander Major General Mohammed Saleh al-Shaari, and Assistant Defense Minister Major General Mohammed Batis, during which mechanisms for implementing the plan and coordination with the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff were reviewed.According to the statement, the plan calls for the withdrawal of military formations from within the city while retaining security forces responsible for maintaining order, including police, road security units, emergency forces, facilities guards, and security belts. It added that implementation will begin immediately according to a defined timetable, taking security and organizational requirements into account, with the aim of enhancing stability and reducing armed presence in residential neighborhoods.

Global leaders gather in Davos as Middle East tensions take center stage
Arab News/January 19, 2026
DAVOS: World leaders, top CEOs, technology innovators and heads of humanitarian organizations are arriving in the snow-laden Swiss town of Davos for the 2026 World Economic Forum, which organizers have called “one of the highest-level gatherings in the event’s history.”Running from Jan. 19-23, this year’s meeting will address a range of urgent geopolitical challenges from the war in Ukraine to mounting tensions in the Middle East, where multiple flashpoints in Gaza, Lebanon and the Red Sea have stoked fears of a wider regional escalation. Held under the theme “A Spirit of Dialogue,” the forum comes at a time of unprecedented global fragmentation, rising economic inequality and disruptive technological change, offering a platform to foster global cooperation to confront major uncertainties. This year’s forum is expected to draw record levels of governmental participation, with 400 top political leaders, six G7 leaders, almost 850 of the world’s top CEOs and chairs, and almost 100 leading unicorn and technology pioneers expected to attend. The Saudi delegation, led by Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan, will include Princess Reema Bandar Al-Saud, Saudi Arabia’s ambassador to the US; Khalid Al-Falih, minister of investment; Bandar Alkhorayef, minister of industry and mineral resources; Ahmed Al-Khateeb, minister of tourism; Faisal Alibrahim, minister of economy and planning; Abdullah Al-Swaha, minister of communications and information technology; and Mohammed Al-Jadaan, minister of finance. The ministers will engage in dialogue with global leaders, while sharing the Kingdom’s successful experiences under the Saudi Vision 2030, according to a statement by the ministry of economy and planning. On the sidelines of the WEF, the ministry will host the Saudi House pavilion for the second consecutive year, convening global thought leaders for more than 20 sessions focused on key trends and challenges shaping the world economy. Borge Brende, president and CEO of the WEF, said this year’s meeting will be “one of our most consequential,” stressing that “dialogue is not a luxury in times of uncertainty; it is an urgent necessity.”The global forum “will provide a space for an unparalleled mix of global leaders and innovators to work through and look beyond divisions, gain insight into a fast-shifting global landscape, and advance solutions to today’s and tomorrow’s biggest and most pressing challenges,” he added.
FASTFACTS
* Annual meeting of World Economic Forum is being held in Davos from Jan. 19-23 under the theme “A Spirit of Dialogue.”
* Among those attending are six G7 leaders, almost 850 CEOs and chairs, and about 100 unicorn founders and technology pioneers.
In its 56th edition, the meeting is expected to attract about 3,000 participants from more than 130 countries to navigate the major economic, geopolitical and technological forces reshaping the global landscape.
Organizers said the meeting is centered around five pressing global challenges: Ways to foster cooperation in a contested world, unlock new sources of growth, better invest in people, responsibly deploy transformative technologies like generative AI and build prosperity within planetary boundaries, advancing secure energy, nature and water systems.
A major focus will be on the unprecedented speed of innovation and technological advancement. The gathering will explore opportunities around artificial intelligence, biotechnology and clean energy.“Leaders will share views from across sectors to help build the understanding needed to balance short-term priorities and immediate challenges with long-term value creation,” said Mirek Dusek, WEF’s managing director. “In an era where exponential technological innovation and geopolitical disruption are deeply intertwined, the need for constructive dialogue between policymakers and industry is clear.”A report released by WEF on Wednesday identified geoeconomic confrontation as the top global risk this year, followed by interstate conflict, extreme weather, societal polarization and misinformation and disinformation.
The Global Risks Report warned that “the new age of competition” has intensified geopolitical, economic and geoeconomic risks, with uncertainty dominating the outlook.
The forum will hold in-depth discussions and discuss insights of this year’s Global Risks Report, Global Cooperation Barometer, the Global Cybersecurity Outlook 2026 and the latest edition of the Chief Economists Outlook.Saadia Zahidi, the WEF’s managing director, said the key is “to unlock growth, jobs and economic transformation that translate into progress for communities everywhere. “In a global economy shaped by technology, geoeconomics and demographics, the defining challenge will be whether opportunity is broadly shared or if growth remains sluggish and uneven,” she added.

Canada deepens investment ties with Qatar, expands economic engagement with Egypt
ARAB NEWS /January 19, 2026
RIYADH: Canada and Qatar moved to formalize a more in-depth and investment-focused partnership during an official visit by the country’s Prime Minister Mark Carney to Doha. The visit was the first by a sitting Canadian leader, with both governments agreeing to elevate bilateral ties through new economic, security, and financial frameworks.  At the center of the meeting was an agreement to launch a foreign ministers–level strategic dialogue and advance a pipeline of trade, investment, and defense cooperation initiatives aligned with Canada’s diversification priorities and Qatar National Vision 2030.
Several memorandums of understanding were signed, including accords on joint economic cooperation, information technology, and security collaboration for the 2026 FIFA World Cup, which Canada will co-host. The visit underscored the rapid expansion of Qatar–Canada relations, which have gained momentum following high-level exchanges in recent years, including a 2024 visit by Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani to Ottawa. Both sides emphasized trade and investment as a central pillar of the relationship, with Qatar committing to significant strategic investments in Canadian nation-building projects and the North American nation pledging to send a delegation of investors, including major pension funds, to explore opportunities in Qatar.  “Qatar is an effective, expansive, and increasing diplomatic force in the world today. They are a critical partner to Canada in many shared pursuits of peace and stability, from Ukraine to the Middle East,” Carney said. “It is a relationship forged over many years by profound acts of friendship, including the Qataris’ effort to evacuate more than 200 Canadians from Afghanistan in 2021. Now we’re elevating our relationship — with an ambitious, new strategic partnership across trade, commerce, investment, AI, and defense — to deliver greater stability, security, and prosperity for our peoples,” he added. As part of the economic agenda, the two governments agreed to conclude negotiations on a Foreign Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement by summer 2026 and to begin talks on a Double Taxation Agreement. They also committed to expanding bilateral air services and establishing a Joint Economic Commission to support cooperation across sectors, including mining, agriculture, telecommunications, transportation, and science. Financial cooperation featured prominently alongside the diplomatic talks.Sheikh Bandar bin Mohammed bin Saoud Al-Thani, governor of the Qatar Central Bank and chairman of the Qatar Investment Authority, met with Canada’s Finance Minister Francois-Philippe Champagne to discuss cooperation in banking and finance and ways to deepen institutional collaboration. Separately, Canada’s economic engagement in the region extended to Egypt, where Cairo’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Immigration, and Egyptian Expatriates Affairs, Badr Abdelatty, met with a delegation of business leaders from the North American country.
The talks focused on strengthening trade and investment ties, with Egyptian officials encouraging Canadian companies to expand investments in energy, agriculture, and water resources. According to Egypt’s Foreign Ministry, Abdelatty highlighted recent economic and financial reforms aimed at improving the investment climate and reaffirmed government support for the Egyptian-Canadian Business Council in attracting Canadian capital and boosting Egyptian exports. The discussions were built on outcomes from political consultations held in April, which included an Egyptian business delegation’s visit to Ottawa.

The Latest English LCCC analysis & editorials from miscellaneous sources published on January 19-20/2026
Les transitions en suspens

Charles Elias Chartouni/i/This is Beirut/January 19/2026
https://eliasbejjaninews.com/2026/01/151281/
Les scénarios politiques et stratégiques au Venezuela comme en Iran restent ouverts au débat puisque les dynamiques révolutionnaires se sont enlisées et sont devenues des questions hypothétiques. Observateurs extérieurs et acteurs internes s’interrogent sur les chances de transformations politiques imminentes. Aucun d’eux n’ose avancer des projections politiques qui pourraient mal tourner et entraîner des conséquences humanitaires et politiques tragiques. Les réserves politiques et stratégiques doivent être atténuées à plusieurs niveaux, car de fortes fluctuations sont toujours en cours et les dictatures sanglantes en place sont profondément défaillantes, déstabilisées et incertaines quant à leur capacité à reprendre le contrôle des contestations massives qui remettent en cause leur existence et leur légitimité.
Leur capacité à contenir les dynamiques souterraines du changement est désormais dépassée et ne saurait être négligée si l’on veut établir un bilan politique réaliste. Le changement n’est qu’une question de temps, et le point de bascule se rapproche progressivement. Aucun des éclairages stratégiques ne peut ignorer les dynamiques structurelles du changement ni la détermination des acteurs sociaux à piloter une transformation politique imminente, malgré l’ampleur des obstacles. Les dictatures sont questionnées dans leur raison d’être, sans parler de leur capacité à assurer une gouvernance effective.
Les supercheries idéologiques du Venezuela se sont dissipées avec le temps, et il ne reste que la pesanteur d’une dictature criminelle et la terreur d’État à un moment où les conditions de vie se détériorent chaque jour. La notion et la réalité de l’État, et encore moins de l’État de droit, ont été supplantées par les faits brutaux d’un État mafieux, le terrorisme d’État, la paupérisation massive, l’industrie pétrolière en ruine, les structures économiques anachroniques, la prise en main de l’économie souterraine et la restructuration des rapports sociaux et économiques conséquents. L’aliénation politique et mentale s’est étalée sur une longue période, et le système politique a,d’ores et déjà, perdu sa légitimité.
La survie du régime tient à la brutalité de la répression et à l’immobilisme des équations stratégiques dans l’hémisphère occidental. La fin de la guerre froide n’a pas donné lieu aux réformes politiques et à la libéralisation attendues: l’héritage durable du caudillisme, les retranchements oligarchiques et les mèmes recyclés du communisme tropical ont perpétué et aggravé les effets conjugués d’un autoritarisme destructeur, de la criminalité politique et d’une aliénation politique profonde. L’aliénation a atteint son paroxysme, et les leviers du changement politique sont liés aux anciens et aux nouveaux mouvements de contestation. La migration forcée de huit millions de Vénézuéliens au cours de la dernière décennie, l’institutionnalisation du terrorisme d’État, l’appauvrissement à grande échelle, la déchéance civique et politique et l’effondrement économique et financier ont été largement suffisants pour créer un terrain propice à une entreprise révolutionnaire.
La politique américaine a suscité un retournement stratégique et politique associé à des calculs de prudence, d’évaluation politique méticuleuse et de gérance assidue du processus de transition, quitte à minimiser les risques d’un changement brutal et ses incertitudes. Conduire un changement politique dans des sociétés fortement polarisées et extrêmement fragiles comporte de hauts risques et peut entraîner un chaos généralisé. Néanmoins, la négociation du changement avec la mafia étatique en place est intrinsèquement vouée à l’échec puisque les oligarques ne sont concernés que par leur survie, en attendant des circonstances politiques plus favorables qui leur permettent d’échapper à la pression américaine et de marginaliser l’opposition politique.
Une diplomatie purement transactionnelle, dépourvue d’encadrement politique et intellectuel, peut rapidement déraper et semer les germes de complications politiques destructrices. Un accord expéditif autour de l’industrie pétrolière est un non‑départ, car cette question cruciale fait partie d’un schéma stratégique et sécuritaire plus vaste de réformes structurelles, économiques et technologiques. On peut s’interroger sur la capacité d’une vision étriquée de la transition politique et ses incidences sur les dynamiques de changement déchaînées et leurs répercussions sur l’ensemble de l’hémisphère.
La situation en Iran paraît plus difficile, l’état de panique du régime islamique s’étant déployé avec férocité et ne semblant ni reculer ni modérer sa sauvagerie. La létalité de la répression augmente, et le régime ne paraît pas disposé à amender sa trajectoire ou à s’engager diplomatiquement avec la communauté internationale et l’opposition politique. En revanche, les oppositions politiques manifestent leur exaspération et leur refus de céder cette fois à la brutalité d’un État terroriste dépourvu de scrupules et se livrant au carnage. Néanmoins, l’institution religieuse a sapé ses crédos idéologiques, remis en cause son récit islamique et ouvert la voie à une déconstruction radicale.
Ce qui est conspué à ce stade, c’est l’islam et non l’islamisme en tant que version politique contemporaine. La sauvagerie affichée lors des dernières confrontations a réduit au minimum les chances d’un compromis. La secte meurtrière au pouvoir a dévoilé son hideur et sa résolution à anéantir tout ce qui remet en cause sa domination totalitaire. On peut se demander s’il existe une solution à ce dilemme autre que l’effondrement de ce régime. Son inaptitude gouvernementale apparaît clairement lorsqu’on examine son bilan désastreux aux niveaux écologique, socio‑économique, politique et humanitaire, ainsi que les conséquences dévastatrices de sa guerre avec Israël et les États‑Unis. L’équation stratégique a irrémédiablement changé avec la destruction de ses proxies et de ses plateformes opérationnelles adjacentes, l’absence de soutien de ses hypothétiques alliés, l’isolement international hermétique et la dégradation de ses infrastructures économiques.
Les acrobaties politiques et diplomatiques sont inutiles, et le régime islamiste s’obstine à naviguer les eaux troubles de l’extrémisme religieux et de la cruauté. Les risques d’une implosion brutale doivent être atténués par une stratégie soigneusement conçue et séquencée afin de limiter les dégâts, diminuer le coût humanitaire, éviter les écueils d’un État en proie au chaos et à ses effets de débordement, et garantir une transition consensuelle coordonnée et supervisée par les États‑Unis d’Amérique. Le régime tient apparemment en raison de sa barbarie absolue, qui compromet en même temps sa survie. La survie du régime est finalement contestée de l’intérieur comme de l’extérieur, et sa chute n’est qu’une question de temps.
Les deux régimes sont dans leurs derniers jours, quelles que soient les temporisations imposées par la violence débridée et leurs antidotes stratégiques. Les crises concomitantes de légitimité et d’inaptitude gouvernementale et la confluence de problèmes socio‑économiques et environnementaux sont fatales, et les tensions s’accumulent. L’état de violence prolongée crée la plateforme d’un soulèvement révolutionnaire.

Transitions pending
Dr.
Charles Elias Chartouni/i/This is Beirut/January 19/2026
https://eliasbejjaninews.com/2026/01/151281/
Political and strategic scenarios in Venezuela and Iran remain open for debate as revolutionary dynamics have become hypothetical questions. External observers and internal actors question the chances of impending political transformations. None of them dares to advance political projections that could go wrong and lead to tragic humanitarian and political consequences. Political and strategic reserves must be mitigated on several levels as strong fluctuations are still ongoing and the bloody dictatorships in place are deeply failing, unstable and uncertain of their ability to regain control of massive objections that challenge their existence and their existence. legitimacy.
Their ability to contain the underground dynamics of change is now outdated and cannot be neglected if realistic political balance is to be established. Change is only a matter of time, and the tipping point is gradually approaching. None of the strategic illumination can ignore the structural dynamics of change nor the determination of social actors to pilot an imminent political transformation, despite the magnitude of obstacles. Dictatorships are questioned for their reason of existence, not to mention their ability to ensure effective governance.
Venezuela’s ideological superstitions have diminished with time, and there remains only the gravity of a criminal dictatorship and state terror at a time when living conditions are deteriorating every day. The notion and reality of the state, and even less of the rule of law, have been suppressed by the brutal acts of a mafia state, state terrorism, mass poverty, the crumbling oil industry, anachronistic economic structures, the taking over of the underground economy and the restructuring of reports social and economic consequence. Political and mental alienation has spread over a long time, and the political system has already lost its legitimacy.
The survival of the regime depends on the brutality of repression and the immobilism of strategic equations in the Western Hemisphere. The end of the Cold War has not resulted in the political reforms and liberalization expected: the lasting legacy of caudillism, oligarchic retrenchments and recycled memes of tropical communism have perpetuated and aggravated the combined effects of destructive authoritarianism, political criminality and political alienation deep. Alienation has reached its paroxysm, and the levers of political change are linked to old and new movements of protest. The forced migration of eight million Venezuelans over the past decade, institutionalization of state terrorism, large-scale impoverishment, civil and political collapse, and economic and financial collapse have been largely enough to create a conducive ground for a revolutionary enterprise.
American policy has led to a strategic and political turnaround associated with prudent calculations, meticulous political evaluation and keen management of the transition process, from minimizing the risks of a drastic change and its uncertainties. Driving a political change in highly polarized and extremely fragile societies involves high risks and can lead to widespread chaos. Nevertheless, the negotiation of change with the state mafia in place is inherently doomed since the oligarchs are only concerned about their survival, awaiting more favorable political circumstances that allow them to escape American pressure and marginalize the political opposition.
A purely transactional diplomacy, devoid of political and intellectual framework, can quickly derail and sow germs of destructive political complications. An expedition agreement around the oil industry is a no-start, because this critical issue is part of a broader strategic and security scheme of structural, economic and technological reforms. One may wonder about the capacity of a narrow view of political transition and its implications on the dynamics of change and their impact on the hemisphere as a whole.
The situation in Iran seems more difficult, the Islamic regime's panic state has unfolded ferociously and does not seem to retreat nor moderate its savagery. The lethality of repression is increasing, and the regime seems unwilling to change its course or engage in diplomacy with the international community and political opposition. On the other hand, the political oppositions express their frustration and their refusal to give in to the brutality of a terrorist state devoid of scruples and indulging in carnage. Nevertheless, the religious institution has undermined its ideological beliefs, questioned its Islamic narrative and opened the way for radical deconstruction.
What is conspired at this point is Islam and not Islamism as a contemporary political version. The savagery displayed in recent confrontations has minimized the chances of a compromise. The murderous sect in power has revealed its hide and seek to annihilate everything that questions its totalitarian domination. One may wonder if there is a solution to this dilemma other than the collapse of this regime. His government incompetence is clearly apparent when examining his disastrous balance at ecological, socio-economic, political, and humanitarian levels, and the devastating consequences of his war with Israel and the United States. The strategic equation has changed irreparably with the destruction of its proxies and adjacent operational platforms, the lack of support of its hypothetical allies, the international hermetic isolation and the degradation of its economic infrastructure.
Political and diplomatic acrobatics are useless, and the Islamic regime refuses to navigate the troubled waters of religious extremism and cruelty. The risks of a brutal implosion must be mitigated by a carefully designed and sequenced strategy to limit damage, reduce humanitarian cost, avoid the squirrels of a state prone to chaos and overflow, and ensure a coordinated and supervised consensus transition by the United States from America. The regime is apparently holding on because of its absolute barbarity, which at the same time compromises its survival. The regime’s survival is ultimately disputed internally and externally, and its fall is only a matter of time.
Both regimes are in their final days, whatever the timing imposed by unbridled violence and their strategic antidotes. The concurrent crises of legitimacy and government incompetence and the confluence of socio-economic and environmental issues are fatal, and tensions are mounting. Prolonged state of violence creates the platform for revolutionary uprising.

AT THE BUFFET OF HIS BANQUET, THE BANQUISE TO EAT...
Lara Khoury Hafez/Face Book/January 19/2029
After Venezuela and the capture of Maduro, here's Trump dreaming of "buying" or annexing Greenland, and threatening Europe with customs tariffs if he doesn't get what he wants!!I am neither anti Trump nor pro Trump. I am a free mind who analyzes according to the record. I never blindly support, nor systematically condemn, I judge on a case by case. But honestly, with Greenland, it's too much! It's no longer diplomacy, it's a voracious appetite that confuses the planet with a Monopoly tray. This probably won't make America "greater", but more decreditable. Greenland is not a vacant land on the edge of the bank: it is a people, a history, a status, an autonomy in the Denmark, and residents who take to the street to say clearly: "Greenland is not for sale".
Wanting to impose yourself by all means, even in the form of economic blackmail, is to undermine international law, humiliate an ally that is Europe and awaken all the old colonial reflections that we claim to have left far behind.
The consequences of a move to the act would be severe:
Deep fracture in NATO, already fragile by Trump's threats;
A geopolitical gift offered to Putin, who would see his own adventures in Ukraine rather normal.
And a signal sent to the international community that it is the law of the jungle that prevails now and that every great power can annex what they are interested in in in their area of influence.
Believing in restoring America to greatness, Trump will reduce the international order into a mop: a system of rules empty of its substance, where everything is bought, threatened, and taken.
The world is not a buffet of territories at will.
Real power, in the 21st century, is not getting your hands on more ice, oil or rare earth...
To be a great power is to lead by example. This is to show that we are able to contain ourselves despite all the strength we hold, by respecting our allies and protecting the people and the Arctic climate instead of consuming them..... worse to eat them!

If Iran's Regime Stays in Place, Trump's Gaza 'Peace' Plan Will Not See Success
Khaled Abu Toameh/Gatestone Institute/January 19/2026
US President Donald J. Trump's plan for ending the Israel-Hamas war should have included a provision to stipulate the need for a different regime in Iran. That is the fastest, best and, unfortunately, the only way to eradicate Hamas and destroy "[a]ll military, terror, and offensive infrastructure, including tunnels and weapon production facilities" not only in the Gaza Strip, as stated in Trump's 20-point plan, but also the Middle East.
Without Iran's support, there also would be no proxies – such as the Houthis, Hezbollah and Venezuela -- nor their alliances with Russia and China.
Qatar and Turkey, longtime supporters of Hamas, have also been reinforcing the terror group with money and diplomatic backing. Both Qatar and Turkey -- followers, like Hamas, of the Muslim Brotherhood -- continue to host senior Hamas officials and operatives. That is why it does not seem a prudent decision on the part of Trump to have included Qatar and Turkey on his "Board of Peace" to oversee the postwar management of the Gaza Strip. In addition to Qatar and Turkey, Egypt, and Britain – which, sadly, has not been a dependable friend to Israel -- were appointed as members of the newly established Executive Committee of the Board of Peace, chaired by Trump himself.
Providentially, the United Arab Emirates, which, despite extensive turbulence, has been an unwavering supporter of Trump, the US and the West, also serves on the Executive Committee.
Like Iran, Qatar and Turkey have an interest in preserving Hamas's presence both as a political and military entity.... they are totally unlikely to participate in any effort to disarm Hamas or demilitarize the territory. The danger is that after Trump leaves office, these countries -- no friends of Israel --will be irresistibly positioned to attack it. Notably, no Arab or Islamic country has so far expressed the slightest readiness to play any role in forcing Hamas and other Palestinian terror groups to surrender their weapons.... After all, so long as terror attacks are directed only against Israel, Hamas and other terror groups in Gaza do not pose a direct threat to their regimes.
With the mullahs still in place, there is every reason to believe that the strategic alliance within the "axis of resistance" -- Iran, Russia, China -- will also stay in place.
Hamas still uses Iran for its weapons, military training and technology. Although Iran is reportedly bankrupt, the mullahs will continue to pour millions of dollars on Hamas and Hezbollah. Iran cannot afford to lose its two main proxies in the Middle East.
It is crucial at this juncture to free the Palestinians from the boot of Hamas and the Iranians from the boot of the mullahs. The disappearance of both would do Trumpian wonders for the entire planet.
US President Donald J. Trump's plan for ending the Israel-Hamas war exposes the elephant in the room: the Iranian regime. Without Iran's support, Hamas would not have been able to transform the Gaza Strip into a large base for Jihad (holy war) against Israel.
US President Donald J. Trump's plan for ending the Israel-Hamas war should have included a provision to stipulate the need for a different regime in Iran. That is the fastest, best and, unfortunately, the only way to eradicate Hamas and destroy "[a]ll military, terror, and offensive infrastructure, including tunnels and weapon production facilities" not only in the Gaza Strip, as stated in Trump's 20-point plan, but also the Middle East.
Trump's plan exposes the elephant in the room: the Iranian regime. Without Iran's support, Hamas would not have been able to transform the Gaza Strip into a large base for Jihad (holy war) against Israel. Without Iran's support, the terror group would not have been able to overthrow the Palestinian Authority in 2007 and seize full control of the entire Gaza Strip. Without Iran's political, financial, and military aid, Hamas would not have been able to carry out its October 7, 2023 attack on Israel, murder more than 1,200 Israelis and foreign nationals and wound thousands more. Without Iran's support, Hamas also would not still be in control of much of the Gaza Strip more than two years after launching its war on Israel.
Without Iran's support, there also would be no proxies – such as the Houthis, Hezbollah and Venezuela -- nor their alliances with Russia and China.
The Iranian regime is not, of course, the only party that has been propping up Hamas for the past three decades. Qatar and Turkey, longtime supporters of Hamas, have also been reinforcing the terror group with money and diplomatic backing. Both Qatar and Turkey -- followers, like Hamas, of the Muslim Brotherhood -- continue to host senior Hamas officials and operatives. That is why it does not seem a prudent decision on the part of Trump to have included Qatar and Turkey on his "Board of Peace" to oversee the postwar management of the Gaza Strip. In addition to Qatar and Turkey, Egypt, and Britain – which, sadly, has not been a dependable friend to Israel -- were appointed as members of the newly established Executive Committee of the Board of Peace, chaired by Trump himself.
Pakistan, a virtual hub of terrorism, has been invited to serve on the Board of Peace but, as of this writing, has not yet replied.
Providentially, the United Arab Emirates, which, despite extensive turbulence, has been an unwavering supporter of Trump, the US and the West, also serves on the Executive Committee.
Like Iran, Qatar and Turkey have an interest in preserving Hamas's presence both as a political and military entity. The Qataris and Turks may play a role in the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip, but they are totally unlikely to participate in any effort to disarm Hamas or demilitarize the territory. The danger is that after Trump leaves office, these countries -- no friends of Israel --will be irresistibly positioned to attack it.
According to Israeli officials, Qatar and Turkey are now "working to extract Hamas from the requirement to disarm." They are reportedly offering alternatives, such as Hamas giving up its weapons to the Palestinian Authority, or having the weapons transferred to some kind of "secure storage" under supposed "oversight."
"Behind both proposals," the officials said, "lies the aim of preserving Hamas's influence in Gaza."
Notably, no Arab or Islamic country has so far expressed the slightest readiness to play any role in forcing Hamas and other Palestinian terror groups to surrender their weapons. Arab and Muslim leaders are likely afraid of facing a backlash from their own people, many of whom sympathize with Hamas and the Palestinian "resistance" -- meaning terrorism -- against Israel. After all, so long as terror attacks are directed only against Israel, Hamas and other terror groups in Gaza do not pose a direct threat to their regimes.
Since the early 1990s, the mullahs' regime in Tehran has been sponsoring Hamas with military aid, as well as training and financial aid. Iran has remained a key patron of Hamas, and provided the terror group with funds, weapons, and training.
In addition, since 2006, the Iranian regime has been supporting Hamas with $350 million annually as part of the mullahs' plan to strengthen their "axis of resistance," which includes other Iran-backed terror proxies such as Lebanon's Hezbollah and Yemen's Houthi militias. With the mullahs still in place, there is every reason to believe that the strategic alliance within the "axis of resistance" -- Iran, Russia, China -- will also stay in place.
"Iran," according to slain Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, the mastermind of the October 7 massacre, and known for his close ties to the Iranian regime, "is the "biggest supporter of the movement, financially and militarily."
Another slain Hamas leader, Ismail Haniyeh, was quoted as saying:
"I extend my thanks to those who provided money and weapons to the valiant resistance. Iran has not been stingy in supplying the resistance with money, weapons, and technology."
"Iranian officials have since boasted about their role in developing Hamas's military capabilities," the Saudi Center for Media Studies noted.
"The commander of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard's Air Force, Amir Ali Hajizadeh, stated that "all the missiles in Gaza and Lebanon were made with Iran's support. Iranian-backed militias across the region also expressed strong support and offered military assistance to Hamas."
If Trump wants his Gaza peace plan – and his "Donroe Doctrine" revitalization of the Western Hemisphere -- to succeed, he should make every effort to help the Iranian people regain their freedom from this regime as soon as possible.
If the mullahs' regime stays in power, the chances of removing Hamas and demilitarizing the Gaza Strip for any length of time will be zero.
For decades, Tehran's mullahs have posed a direct threat not only to Israel and the US, but also to the security and stability of Arab countries, including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Kuwait, Yemen, Egypt and Iraq. The current anti-regime protests in Iran should be fully supported not only by the Trump administration, but all Western countries, as well as Arabs and Muslims.
If Hamas remains standing, Hezbollah, the Houthis and other Iran-backed Islamist terror groups will also continue to rearm, regroup and plan for more terrorism and bloodshed in the region. Trump, to succeed, needs to expand the mandate of his Board of Peace to include seeing to it that the Iranian regime departs as expeditiously as possible.
Iran's proxies may not disappear immediately, but, if and when the Iranian regime is gone, they will be significantly weakened. The removal of the mullahs would mean their eventual removal as well.
Hamas still uses Iran for its weapons, military training and technology. Although Iran is reportedly bankrupt, the mullahs will continue to pour millions of dollars on Hamas and Hezbollah. Iran cannot afford to lose its two main proxies in the Middle East.
It is crucial at this juncture to free the Palestinians from the boot of Hamas and the Iranians from the boot of the mullahs. The disappearance of both would do Trumpian wonders for the entire planet.
**Khaled Abu Toameh is an award-winning journalist based in Jerusalem.
Follow Khaled Abu Toameh on X (formerly Twitter)
https://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/22207/iran-regime-gaza-peace
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After America leaves
Yassin K. Fawaz/The Arab Weekly/19 January/2026
American wars tend to end quietly, not with defeat but with disengagement, as attention shifts, priorities change and enforcement gives way to process. The moment rarely announces itself. It arrives through diplomacy, transition plans and assurances that sound reasonable until they are overtaken by events. What follows is often described as stabilisation or consolidation, but for local allies who did the fighting, it is the point at which leverage drains away and reality reasserts itself. There is a persistent myth in modern Middle Eastern wars that courage, once demonstrated at sufficient scale, eventually converts into protection, legitimacy or permanence. The Kurdish experience over the past decade exposes how hollow that belief really is. From the moment ISIS overran Mosul in June 2014, following the collapse of regular Iraqi Army units stationed across Nineveh province, Kurdish forces absorbed the shock that shattered Iraq’s northern front lines and prevented the advance from reaching Erbil. Peshmerga units rushed forward to hold territory that had been abandoned almost overnight, extending their lines far beyond what had been planned or resourced, while the Iraqi state regrouped. That pattern soon repeated itself across the Syrian border as the war metastasised. Kurdish fighters became the firewall against a regional implosion, buying time not only for Baghdad and Damascus, but for an international coalition unwilling to fight on the ground.
Between 2014 and 2019, Kurdish forces in both Iraq and Syria carried the heaviest share of sustained ground combat against the Islamic State. Casualty figures ran into the tens of thousands when killed and wounded are combined, with entire cohorts of young men and women rotated through front lines in Kobane, Sinjar, Hasakah, Raqa and finally Baghouz, where the territorial caliphate collapsed in March 2019. While international air power was decisive from above, it was Kurdish units that cleared streets, held neighbourhoods and absorbed suicide attacks. When the fighting ended, they were left guarding the remnants of the war: thousands of ISIS detainees held in makeshift prisons, and camps such as al-Hol that swelled to tens of thousands of women and children from dozens of countries, effectively turning Kurdish-administered territory into a long-term containment zone for a problem the international coalition neither resolved nor reclaimed.
What distinguishes the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces from many other local partners is not just what they fought, but how closely they aligned with American objectives. Over years of cooperation, US forces invested heavily in training, equipping, advising and professionalising SDF units, embedding standards of command discipline, operational coordination and battlefield restraint that mirrored coalition expectations. The SDF proved reliable custodians of territory cleared from ISIS, maintained custody over thousands of detainees at Washington’s request, coordinated consistently with US air power and intelligence and absorbed political constraints imposed from outside, including limits on expansion and escalation. In short, they did not freelance. They fought where asked, stopped where told, and subordinated their own strategic ambitions to coalition priorities. If loyalty, discipline and compliance were the criteria for durability, the SDF met them in full.
What sharpened the imbalance was not simply the scale of Kurdish sacrifice, but the strategic environment in which it occurred. Throughout the Syrian war years, Western intelligence reporting and US Treasury designations documented how money, arms and logistical support flowed through private donors, charities and informal networks tied to regional actors into Islamist factions operating under shifting labels. Some were framed as counterweights to ISIS, others overlapped with it, but the underlying logic was consistent: preserve influence, maintain leverage and avoid irreversible commitments. While Kurdish forces fought ISIS directly and visibly, others financed militias indirectly and quietly, retaining plausible deniability and diplomatic flexibility. That asymmetry proved decisive once the war’s urgency faded. Yet that reliability coexisted with an unresolved tension. Kurdish aspirations for statehood were long understood but never endorsed. Washington made its limits clear: cooperation was welcome, stability was valued, but independence was not an outcome the United States was prepared to support. Kurdish leaders calibrated their strategy accordingly, deferring maximalist demands in favour of restraint, governability, and trust-building over time. By 2017, that equilibrium had begun to fray. Years of battlefield loyalty had not translated into political clarity or durable guarantees, and Kurdish aspirations remained acknowledged but explicitly unsupported. The independence referendum emerged from that impasse. It was not a sudden act of defiance, but a calculated attempt to force resolution after a long period of strategic patience. Kurdish leaders proceeded despite clear warnings from Washington that the United States would neither recognize the vote nor shield its consequences.
The vote was held on September 25, 2017, setting in motion a rapid and unforgiving response.
The first curtain fell in October 2017, after the Kurdistan independence referendum stripped away any remaining ambiguity about the limits of Kurdish autonomy. When Baghdad moved on Kirkuk, federal forces backed by Popular Mobilisation units retook the city, its airport, and its oil fields within days, and Washington stepped aside, framing the operation as a restoration of constitutional order rather than a reversal of realities created by Kurdish sacrifice after 2014. Control of oil revenue shifted immediately, political symbols were removed, and Kurdish leverage evaporated with remarkable speed. Kirkuk was not simply a territorial loss; it was a demonstration that battlefield performance without enforceable international guarantees collapses the moment a central government decides to act.
The Syrian parallel is more troubling still, because unlike Baghdad in 2017, which at least acted through an elected government and formal institutions, authority in Damascus today rests with Ahmed al-Sharaa, a figure who has not been elected, has not been subjected to any democratic process, and presides over a transition defined by force rather than consent, propped up by armed networks that include rehabilitated remnants of the jihadist ecosystem the coalition spent years fighting, in a theatre where US personnel have continued to be killed long after victory was declared. That risk is not abstract. In December 2025, two US Army soldiers and a US civilian interpreter were killed in an ambush near Palmyra carried out not by an external infiltrator but by a member of the Syrian security forces themselves, later reported to have suspected links to ISIS-associated extremist networks and already under internal review. Three additional US service members were wounded in the attack, marking the first American combat fatalities in Syria since 2019 and underscoring the continuity between the jihadist battlefield of the war years and the forces now folded into the post-Assad security architecture. Rebranding militias and absorbing former jihadist fighters into uniformed roles does not neutralise the ideological or operational legacies embedded within them; it relocates those risks inside the state itself.
These concerns are amplified by the character of the forces now operating under the banner of the Syrian state. While rebranded as national units, many draw from hard-line Islamist and jihadist factions that shaped the war years and have never undergone a credible process of accountability nor ideological rupture.What the transition meant on the ground became visible through footage that spread rapidly across digital platforms and triggered widespread backlash. One widely circulated video appears to show a gunman affiliated with the Syrian Arab Army detaining two Kurdish female fighters, known as sharvan. In the clip, the women are seated in the back of a vehicle, visibly distressed, while armed men film them at close range. A voice off camera is heard addressing another individual about the captives, saying, “Abu Mujahid, let them be a gift for you,” according to the video’s audio. In the same recording, the women are instructed to send a greeting to the person being addressed. The women are not shown being physically harmed, but the language and staging carry unmistakable menace; the sequence ends before their fate is known. This is not merely an abstract worry. The clip joined a broader stream of videos and testimonies circulating across social media and human-rights networks, showing Kurdish civilians, including women, subjected to intimidation, abuse, and retaliatory violence as control shifts. The persistence of such conduct reinforces a central fear among Kurdish communities: that the transition being imposed is not one of integration or protection, but of subjugation by forces whose world view and methods remain fundamentally hostile to them.
None of this is unique to Syria. It reflects a familiar pattern in American wars, where local partners discover that the decisive moment comes not during the fighting, but after it ends.
The closest modern parallel is Afghanistan, because there the curtain did not merely fall, it was pulled down deliberately. For twenty years after 2001, the United States built, trained, funded and fought alongside Afghan forces under the premise that battlefield performance would translate into political survival. Yet the decisive moment did not come on the battlefield but at the negotiating table, first with the Doha agreement in 2020 and then with the final US withdrawal in August 2021. Kabul fell not because the Taliban suddenly achieved overwhelming military superiority, but because guarantees evaporated. Afghanistan was not lost in combat; it was handed back by decision.
That lesson is now resurfacing in Syria under different names and slower choreography. Since the consolidation of authority in Damascus, Syrian government forces and allied units have moved deliberately to reassert control over the last large autonomous zone in the country, the Kurdish-led northeast. In mid-January 2026, territory, crossings and key oil and gas infrastructure passed out of Kurdish control.
That shift was already evident on January 17, when US envoy Tom Barrack convened a high-level meeting in Erbil with Syrian Democratic Forces commander General Mazloum Abdi, Kurdish political leaders and senior American diplomatic and military officials. Political authority, military command and diplomatic representation were all present, yet the message that emerged was managerial rather than decisive: de-escalation, dialogue with Damascus and avoidance of wider conflict.
Crucially, the advance did not pause even for a day. Within twenty-four hours of the Erbil meeting, Syrian government forces continued consolidating control around Tabqa, along the Aleppo–Raqa axis, and across energy installations in Deir al-Zor. Towns changed hands after withdrawals rather than battles, detention facilities were emptied or partially cleared, and prisoners, including individuals previously held on suspicion of Islamic State affiliation, were released. Diplomacy neither froze the map nor slowed the consolidation of power on the ground.
The Kurdish experience fits a broader and well-documented pattern in American warfare. The dates below mark the point of American withdrawal or disengagement, not the start of US involvement.
In Vietnam (1973–1975), local forces fought for years under the assumption that US backing implied endurance, only to collapse once American enforcement ended. In Iraq in 1991, Kurdish and Shia uprisings were encouraged but left exposed after the ceasefire. In Lebanon (1983–1984), the withdrawal of US forces following the Marine barracks bombing accelerated militia consolidation and state fragmentation. In Somalia (1993–1994), cooperation with US and UN forces gave way to a rapid exit after Mogadishu, leaving local partners exposed. In Libya (2011–2012), intervention removed a regime but abandoned the aftermath. In Afghanistan (2020–2021), two decades of investment gave way to a negotiated exit that preceded systemic collapse.
I could list many more cases, but the point is not the catalogue; it is the pattern. When American enforcement ends, local allies bear the cost, regardless of their loyalty or performance.
Wars do not usually end where they are fought. They end where enforcement stops. In each case, from Kirkuk to Kabul to northeast Syria, the decisive variable was not courage, competence or sacrifice, but the moment the external guarantor recalibrated its priorities. When America leaves, outcomes adjust accordingly, and those who fought on its behalf are left to live with the result.
**Yassin K Fawaz is an American business executive, publisher and security and terrorism expert.

Don’t ask AI for what you don’t deserve
Karam Nama/The Arab Weekly/19 January/2026
When Austrian novelist Clemens J. Setz wrote in The Guardian about the German fairy tale of the golden fish, he offered a warning that feels uncannily relevant to our digital age. His message was simple: do not ask AIfor what you do not deserve. Like the fisherman’s wife who demanded ever greater gifts until the world collapsed around her, our unchecked desires risk turning abundance into emptiness. The tale is familiar. A fisherman catches a golden fish that grants every wish. His wife, consumed by desire, asks first for wealth, then for power, then for the papacy itself. Finally, she demands to become a goddess. At that moment, the world unravels. The lesson is clear: excessive desire destroys meaning. Setz’s parable is not mere folklore; it is a mirror for our age of algorithms.
AI is not simply a tool. It is a new mythical force, reshaping collective imagination in ways that echo the power of ancient stories. If desire loses its resistance, if every wish is granted instantly, then meaning itself evaporates. Position, status, even dreams become hollow when stripped of struggle. What makes desire compelling is the obstacle it must overcome. Remove the obstacle, and desire collapses into consumption.
Setz warns that if anyone could easily become a pope, the appeal of the position would fade. Things only become desirable when they require resistance, hardship, or sacrifice. The post-digital generation, raised on instant gratification, risks forgetting this truth. AIaccelerates this trend, transforming desire into instant reward and stripping it of meaning.
By satisfying every desire, AI leaves us with a greater void. Myth has always taught us that treasure lies beyond obstacles, that stories gain value through hardship. Scheherazade’s tales in One Thousand and One Nights mattered because they resisted death each night. Sinbad’s adventures inspired because they confronted monsters and storms. Without resistance, there is no story, only consumption. Even symbolic and spiritual sites lose their prestige if AI turns them into wishes granted on demand, as the golden fish did for the fisherman’s wife.
The danger is not technical but existential. AI shortens the path, cuts the magical thread and offers us an end without a beginning. It promises power without effort, sanctity without sacrifice, dreams without struggle. But history reminds us: meaning is born only from resistance. Treasure left on the roadside is no longer treasure. Status available without effort is no longer status. Absolute abundance is not salvation but a kind of nothingness.
This is why the connection between myth and AI is not futile. Myth has always been humanity’s attempt to understand what transcends the limits of the mind. Today, AI plays the same role: opening new spaces while raising existential concerns. We are living through a moment of re-mythologising the world, but with digital tools. Whoever controls imagination controls meaning. That is the true danger, and the true responsibility, of our digital age.
Setz’s article goes beyond the technical debate about AI. He uses the German fairy tale as a mirror to understand the coming transformations in the relationship between humans and technology. His basic idea is that AI is not just a tool, but a factor that reshapes human consciousness and changes the way we perceive ourselves and others. As Noam Chomsky and colleagues argued in their critique The False Promise, the idea that AI understands language as humans do is flawed. What matters is not machine cognition but the way machines change the language of storytelling itself.
Here lies the cultural challenge. The Arab imagination was shaped by One Thousand and One Nights just as the Western imagination was shaped by Germanic tales. These stories were never escapist fantasies. They were attempts to capture what transcends the mind. Shahryar would not have listened to Scheherazade if her stories had not resisted death every night. Sinbad would not have become a symbol of travel and adventure if he had not encountered monsters, seas, and horrors. The essence of the story was not in reaching the treasure, but in the hardship that made the treasure valuable.
AI threatens to erase this essence. When it fulfils all desires without resistance, it erases the appeal of desire itself. Position, status, dreams, all lose their meaning when they become instant results without hardship. We have entered an era without scarcity, an era without appeal. The irony is that absolute abundance is not salvation, but a kind of nothingness. Machines promise us power without effort, sanctity without sacrifice, dreams without suffering. But they make us forget that meaning has always come from resistance, obstacles, and scarcity.
Perhaps this is the new myth we have not yet learned to tell: that AI offers us an end without a beginning, a result without a struggle. It cuts the magical thread that has bound myth to our consciousness for centuries. The question is whether we still have the ability to dream when all dreams become achievable. If desire loses its resistance, imagination loses its meaning. And without imagination, humanity loses its story.

US has a long history of strategic land purchases
Khaled Abou Zahr/Arab News/January 19, 2026
One sovereign nation purchasing land from another. This method of gaining territory had long been forgotten. But US President Donald Trump has revived it with Greenland. While everyone in Europe and elsewhere, perhaps by habit, has rejected the idea, I tend to ask myself: if they were capable, wouldn’t they want to do it too? Yet the shift in global power is now holding them back. History shows that the powerful have always traded lands. Now, amid a shifting global order, the concept is worth evaluating again. After all, which is better: acquiring land by war or by trade? It is useful to highlight that this is not the first time Denmark and the US have faced a potential land deal. The US purchased the Virgin Islands from Denmark in 1917 for $25 million. At the time, President Woodrow Wilson pushed for the deal mainly out of concern that Germany might seize control of these islands. In the case of Greenland, it is Chinese and Russian influence that is considered to pose a great threat to American national security. If we take Greenland and the opening of sea routes during certain seasons, it exposes the US in a similar way. Exchanging or buying land was mostly a tool of the European colonial powers. One of the most remarkable deals happened between Spain and Portugal and is known as the Treaty of Tordesillas. The two countries controlled much of the land and seas in the 1400s and 1500s. In 1494, to settle territorial issues and avoid wars, they decided to split the world between them. Portugal kept Brazil, while Spain benefited from the split and went on to rule most of South America. The interesting and evident point is that, as both empires weakened, the treaty lost significance.
During all these times, the people living on the lands that were bought, exchanged or bartered had no say in their fate
Much later and for pretty much the same reasons, as France and Britain’s global power grew, they too exchanged and bought territories. The 18th-century Treaty of Paris saw France cede Canada to Britain in exchange for retaining its islands in the Caribbean, which were judged more economically valuable at the time. Through wars, it lost control for a time, but France later regained territories such as Guadeloupe and Martinique, which today remain overseas departments of France, while Britain consolidated its dominance in North America and India. The same can be said about the Netherlands, Belgium and all colonizing powers. Power and hard power mean everything when it comes to territories. Hence, at the end of the First World War, under the Treaty of Versailles, all of Germany’s colonial holdings in Africa and the Pacific were redistributed between the victors, namely Britain, France, Japan, Australia and South Africa, as mandates under the League of Nations, the predecessor to the UN. Following the Second World War, as all these European powers declined, the colonies gained independence.
The US has acquired several significant territories through purchase rather than war or annexation. In 1803, it bought Louisiana from France, which instantly doubled the size of the country by adding about 2.1 million sq. km of land, for $15 million. Then, in 1867, it acquired Alaska from the Russian Empire, adding another 1.5 million sq. km, for $7.2 million. This is also a resource-rich territory. Less consequentially, the US added about 76,800 sq. km in southern Arizona and New Mexico with the $10 million Gadsden Purchase from Mexico in 1854. This purchase was intended to facilitate a southern transcontinental railroad. Finally, as previously mentioned, the Danish West Indies (now the US Virgin Islands) were purchased from Denmark in 1917.
So, for the US establishment, land purchases have been quite significant and strategic. The goal is either to secure strategic naval or military positions or to ensure national security. To the US’ advantage, Greenland is already a semi-autonomous territory with a growing political will for independence
Meanwhile, throughout history, land concessions have been a tool to permit powerful nations to control or utilize territory within another sovereign state without outright annexation. The most famous is probably the 99-year British lease of Hong Kong, which ended in 1997. When China regained its rightful sovereignty over the island, the world was very different to when the treaty was signed — and it was China that was the greater power. One can only wonder that, if this were not the case, would this concession have been extended? We cannot rewrite history, but I am pretty sure it would have.
Even today, particularly in Africa, this situation can apply to a major asset such as a port or a natural resource, effectively making the concession holder the true power in the country. This also raises the question of genuine sovereignty.
It is very clear that, during all these times, the people living on the lands that were bought, exchanged or bartered had no say in their fate. This is also the case in terms of military clashes due to land disputes.
And so, when looking at the Greenland issue, it poses a clear question: How can the US get the Greenlanders on its side? This is a very, very small population, estimated to be no more than about 57,000 people. It is difficult to see the US gaining control of Greenland without a deal or agreement. To the US’ advantage, Greenland is already a semi-autonomous territory with a strong and growing political will for independence. This offers a potential way for a greater anchoring with the US over Denmark or Europe, or even becoming a full US state.
Trump has brought back a potential for growth of the US that stopped many years ago. It is, in a way, no longer a sovereign play like two centuries ago, but more like a corporate acquisition. For Greenland and other territories, the US is clearly looking to protect and place the extended Americas — North and South — in a stronger defensive posture, as well as guaranteeing access to resources and the safety of logistics routes. Is it a sign of not being able to continue holding the global “Pax Americana” and wanting to avoid the fate of the declining Europeans? I would not bet against the US, but beyond this, if negotiations and common economic interests can be brought forward to solve territorial disputes, this is not a bad thing, especially amid a change in the balance of power worldwide.
**Khaled Abou Zahr is the founder of SpaceQuest Ventures, a space-focused investment platform. He is CEO of EurabiaMedia and editor of Al-Watan Al-Arabi.

Selected Face Book & X tweets/ January 19/2026
John Bolton
Trump should help the Iranian opposition, and he can do so without putting American boots on the ground. The kinds of targets he should look at are IRGC headquarters and bases, and the operating bases of the Basij militia.

Open Source Intel

Lindesy Graham in a message to Jolani: “If Syrian government forces continue to advance in the north toward Raqqa, I will push for reimposing Caesar Act sanctions on steroids.
Apparently no one in Syria is listening to me or other U.S. government officials. If this continues, not only will there be bone-crushing sanctions, it will permanently damage relationships between the U.S. and the new Syrian government. If you think we’re BSing - keep it up.
I’ve tried to be fair to the new government, but apparently it’s falling on deaf ears. If you want a conflict with the U.S. Senate and to do permanent damage to the U.S.-Syria relationship - keep going. If you want to salvage the relationship, stop and turnaround.”

Hussain Abdul-Hussain

Turkey wants the Syrian Kurdish militia disbanded and seeks to eliminate any semblance of Kurdish autonomy anywhere on the planet. Kurds everywhere must live under Turkish rule forever. Islamist Sharaa forces will go all the way to wiping out Kurdish forces.