English LCCC Newsbulletin For Lebanese, Lebanese Related, Global News & Editorials
For June 06/2025
Compiled & Prepared by: Elias Bejjani
#elias_bejjani_news

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Bible Quotations For today
To love God with all the heart & with all the understanding, and with all the strength & to love one’s neighbour as oneself is much more important than all whole burnt-offerings and sacrifices
Mark 12/28-34: "One of the scribes came near and heard them disputing with one another, and seeing that he answered them well, he asked him, ‘Which commandment is the first of all?’Jesus answered, ‘The first is, "Hear, O Israel: the Lord our God, the Lord is one; you shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, and with all your soul, and with all your mind, and with all your strength."The second is this, "You shall love your neighbour as yourself." There is no other commandment greater than these.’Then the scribe said to him, ‘You are right, Teacher; you have truly said that "he is one, and besides him there is no other";and "to love God with all the heart, and with all the understanding, and with all the strength", and "to love one’s neighbour as oneself", this is much more important than all whole burnt-offerings and sacrifices.’When Jesus saw that he answered wisely, he said to him, ‘You are not far from the kingdom of God.’ After that no one dared to ask him any question."

Titles For The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News & Editorials published on June 05-06/2025
The first Aoun led us to hell, and the second Aoun is working to keep us there/Elias Bejjani/June 05/2025
President Aoun’s appointment of former minister Ali Hamie—a Hezbollah loyalist in ideology, thought, and allegiance—as a presidential advisor is a disturbing and suspicious move that raises serious doubts/Elias Bejjani/June 03/2025
Video Link to a panel discussion in English from the Washington Institute website titled “The Next Stage in Lebanese-Israeli Relations? The Status of the Ceasefire and Political Prospects.” Panelists: Hanin Ghaddar, Ghaith al-Omari, and Assaf Orion.
Why does the prime minister of Lebanon feel the urge to talk about "Palestine" to a graduating Lebanese college class?/Hussain Abdul-Hussain/Face Book/June 05/2025
As Iran Retreats, Islamist Turkey and Qatar Surge in Lebanon/Hussain Abdul-Hussain/This Is Beirut/Posted on 03 June/2025
Open Letter from Former Minister Youssef Salameh, Head of the Identity and Sovereignty Gathering, to Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, Addressing What the Prime Minister Considered His Government’s Achievements During Its First 100 Days
The Next Era of Israel-Lebanon Relations? Ceasefire Status and Political Prospects
Residents of south Beirut suburbs flee Israeli warnings, strikes on Hezbollah factories
Israel strikes Beirut’s suburbs to target what it says is Hezbollah drone production
Israel army issues evacuation warning for parts of Beirut's southern suburbs
Katz praises Israeli air force for 'perfect execution' after Dahieh strikes
Aoun, Salam, Berri accuse Israel of flagrant ceasefire violation
Instead of celebrating Eid, residents flee as Israel strikes Dahieh in major escalation
Israeli general warns against any attack from Lebanon
Lebanese Army tried to prevent Dahieh strikes but Israel refused, official says
Lebanon dismantles ‘more than 500’ Hezbollah installations, PM says
Salam says army dismantled 'more than 500' Hezbollah installations in south
Salam says only opponents are those who refuse to abide by ministerial statement
Syria says seized missiles and ammo destined for Lebanon
Ortagus departure: Bad news for Israel, good news for Berri
Report: Araghchi told Hezbollah not to discuss arms before knowing outcome of talks with US
Araghchi says Hezbollah arms 'Lebanese affair', not linked to nuclear file
Lebanon and Ortagus: political clowning in a time of collapse/Makram Rabah/Now Lebanon/June 05/2025

Titles For The Latest English LCCC Miscellaneous Reports And News published  on June 05-06/2025
Netanyahu says Israel has 'activated' some Palestinian clans opposed to Hamas
Israel says it has recovered the bodies of 2 Israeli-American hostages from the Gaza Strip
Humanitarian vessel on aid mission to Gaza rescues 4 migrants at sea; dozens returned to Libya
Life in Iran's capital, Tehran, as high-stakes nuclear negotiations with the US go on
Iran’s president thanks Saudi Arabia for Hajj efforts in call with Crown Prince
Trump names new generals to lead US military in Middle East, Europe and Africa
Chicago private equity firm has stake in Gaza aid company
Israel won’t allow Freedom Flotilla Coalition’s Madleen to enter Gaza: Report
US sanctions four ICC judges, slams ‘politicized’ body for moves against Israel
Trump attacks Musk as public feud escalates over tax-cut bill
Trump, Xi hold long-awaited phone call on trade war

Titles For The Latest English LCCC analysis & editorials from miscellaneous sources  on June 05-06/2025
An “Enrichment Consortium” Is No Panacea for the Iran Nuclear Dilemma/Richard Nephew, Patrick Clawson/The Washington Institute/June 05/2025
People must see themselves in the AI revolution/Ali Naqvi and Mohammed Al-Qarni/Arab News/June 05, 2025
Egypt’s cautious rapprochement with Iran/Dr. Abdellatif El-Menawy/Arab News/June 05, 2025
Decarbonization at a crossroads/Dr. John Sfakianakis/Arab News/June 05, 2025
Sudan’s collapsing healthcare system a global emergency/Dr. Majid Rafizadeh/Arab News/June 05, 2025
Will the new era in space be one of rivalry?/Khaled Abou Zahr/Arab News/June 05, 2025

The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News & Editorials published  on June 05-06/2025
The first Aoun led us to hell, and the second Aoun is working to keep us there.
Elias Bejjani/June 05/2025
From the outside, where we see the true picture, we say with sadness and conviction that what is called the "New Era" is in reality neither new nor sorrowful; rather, it is a shameful continuation of previous eras of humiliation, dhimmitude, submission, brokering, and deals. The opportunity given to Lebanon was unfortunately lost. And he who said, "We are going to hell" (Michel Aoun), was followed by - whether out of ignorance or cowardice, it makes no difference - (Joseph Aoun) who is working to keep Lebanon in that "hell" to which his predecessor led us... a time of hardship, drought, and misery. In conclusion, our country is incapable of governing itself, and for its salvation - if there is a sincere, willing, and capable international and regional will towards it and its people - it must be placed under Chapter VII and declared a failed and rogue state.

President Aoun’s appointment of former minister Ali Hamie—a Hezbollah loyalist in ideology, thought, and allegiance—as a presidential advisor is a disturbing and suspicious move that raises serious doubts
Elias Bejjani/June 03/2025
https://eliasbejjaninews.com/2025/06/143891/
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X0ThpNmDOkM&t=11s
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-21Pfj4ppDE&t=128s
In a move that can only be described as baffling, disgraceful, and deeply disappointing, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun has today appointed former minister Ali Hamie as presidential advisor for reconstruction affairs. This decision flagrantly disregards all principles of sovereignty, politics, and constitutional integrity, while sending a dangerous signal about the direction of Aoun’s presidency and the nature of those surrounding him. It also reflects a gross misunderstanding—or willful ignorance—of the existential threat posed by Hezbollah, the Iranian-controlled terrorist group whose ideological foundation is rooted in the doctrine of Wilayat al-Faqih.
Who is Ali Hamie? Simply put, he is a partisan figure wholly committed—intellectually, ideologically, and culturally—to Hezbollah's system and worldview. This means his loyalty lies not with Lebanon, but with an external power, as dictated by the concept of Wilayat al-Faqih, which rejects national allegiance in favor of religious obedience to the Iranian Supreme Leader. Within this framework, no Shiite adherent to such ideology can be truly independent in thought, honest in counsel, or patriotic in orientation, because his compass always points to Qom and Tehran—not to Beirut.
So by what logic, with what understanding, and in pursuit of what reform agenda, does the president appoint such a figure as an advisor on national reconstruction? What meaningful contributions can Ali Hamie make to Lebanon in this capacity? Will his counsel be sovereign and patriotic? Of course not. Even if he desired to serve Lebanon, his ideological chains bind him, preventing him from acting outside the parameters of the Iranian agenda.
Even more alarming is the nature of the post itself: “Reconstruction Affairs.” As if reconstruction were even remotely feasible in a country still under Hezbollah’s security and military occupation. Which international, regional, or Gulf donor would finance reconstruction while the Iranian militia-state remains intact? Who would fund rebuilding under the shadow of a group answerable to the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, executing a sectarian expansionist agenda fundamentally at odds with Lebanon’s national identity and the very concept of a sovereign state?
This appointment doesn’t just raise questions—it sounds the alarm about the troubling direction of President Aoun’s tenure. Since the very day he was named president—imposed on Lebanon through international and regional arrangements over the heads of both the corrupt political class and Hezbollah’s own preferences—Aoun has consistently sought to appease Hezbollah, turning a blind eye to the central crisis: its weapons and parallel state.
Now, by naming Hamie as advisor, Aoun sends a clear message: he either does not understand—or chooses to ignore—the foundational tenets of Hezbollah’s ideology, which neither respects concessions, nor acknowledges goodwill, nor reciprocates leniency with anything but manipulation. Hezbollah does not make decisions—it merely executes them. And executioners do not return favors. They exploit, consume, and discard.
The timing of the appointment is also troubling: it coincides with the visit of Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi to Lebanon. This can only reinforce suspicions that this move is part of a broader orchestration—or at the very least, a calculated alignment with the preferences of the so-called "Axis of Resistance" inside Lebanon. At a time when the Lebanese president should be spearheading the implementation of international resolutions demanding the disarmament of all militias, this step instead legitimizes them by inviting them into the very heart of the presidency as "advisors" and "experts."
Social media erupted today with scathing criticism and widespread condemnation of the decision. The Lebanese sovereign public expressed deep disappointment and outrage—few imagined that Joseph Aoun’s presidency would begin with such a dangerous and misleading signal. Instead of appointing independent, competent, and ideologically neutral advisors, Aoun has opted for one of the worst—and most alarming—choices possible: a figure ideologically aligned with a supra-national sectarian project that has turned Lebanon into a battlefield for Iran’s regional ambitions.
What happened today is not merely a mistake—it is a full-fledged political transgression that signals this presidency is, from the very start, headed down a dangerous and declining path that could lead Lebanon into disaster. Unless this course is corrected immediately—unless the presidency breaks free from the urge to appease Hezbollah and restores the values of statehood, sovereignty, independent decision-making, and constitutional legitimacy—there is little hope for redemption.
In conclusion, many Lebanese were stunned, overcome with doubt, and deeply disappointed by the caliber of advisors President Joseph Aoun has chosen. If this is the path he intends to follow—one rooted in the same failed concepts and practices—then the momentum of his presidency has ended before it even began… unless he swiftly changes course and reclaims his authority before he is consumed by the serpents of hesitation, fear, submissiveness, and foreign dependency.

Video Link to a panel discussion in English from the Washington Institute website titled “The Next Stage in Lebanese-Israeli Relations? The Status of the Ceasefire and Political Prospects.” Panelists: Hanin Ghaddar, Ghaith al-Omari, and Assaf Orion.
https://eliasbejjaninews.com/2025/06/143967/
The Next Era of Israel-Lebanon Relations? Ceasefire Status and Political Prospects
by Hanin Ghaddar, Ghaith al-Omari, Assaf Orion//The Washington Institute/June 05/2025
https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/next-era-israel-lebanon-relations-ceasefire-status-and-political-prospects
Hanin Ghaddar is the Friedmann Senior Fellow at The Washington Institute’s Rubin Family Arab Politics Program, where she focuses on Shia politics throughout the Levant.
Ghaith al-Omari is the Rosalinde and Arthur Gilbert Foundation Senior Fellow in The Washington Institute’s Irwin Levy Family Program on the U.S.-Israel Strategic Relationship.
Brig. Gen. Assaf Orion (Res.) is The Washington Institute’s Rueven International Fellow, a senior research fellow at INSS, and former head of the IDF Strategic Planning Division.
Brief Analysis
Watch an expert webcast examining the situation six months after the Israel-Lebanon ceasefire agreement was signed.
Six months after Lebanon and Israel signed their ceasefire agreement, Israeli military operations continue across the border, while the Lebanese Armed Forces have only scratched the surface of their most crucial and difficult mission—disarming Hezbollah and Palestinian militia factions throughout the country. At the same time, Lebanon’s recent municipal elections offered some indication of how next year’s historic parliamentary election could go and whether the political class will take bolder action on disarmament, border demarcation, and reform in the interim. For its part, Washington has played an indispensable role in maintaining the ceasefire mechanism but must now consider what combination of diplomatic engagement and fiscal pressure will propel Beirut and other actors to the next step. To discuss these challenges, The Washington Institute hosted a virtual Policy Forum with:
Hanin Ghaddar, the Institute’s Friedmann Senior Fellow and a veteran Lebanese journalist whose publications include “Hezbollahland: Mapping Dahiya and the Shia Community.”
Ghaith al-Omari, the Institute’s Gilbert Foundation Senior Fellow and a former advisor to the Palestinian Authority.
Brig. Gen. Assaf Orion, IDF (Res.), the Institute’s Rueven International Fellow, a senior research fellow at Israel’s Institute for National Security Studies, and former head of the IDF Strategic Planning Division, where he led liaison efforts with the LAF and the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL).
The Policy Forum series is made possible through the generosity of the Florence and Robert Kaufman Family.

Why does the prime minister of Lebanon feel the urge to talk about "Palestine" to a graduating Lebanese college class?
Hussain Abdul-Hussain/Face Book/June 05/2025
Why does the prime minister of #Lebanon feel the urge to talk about "Palestine" to a graduating Lebanese college class? How is this part of national Lebanese interests or the future of Lebanese students who, because of "Palestine," have been emigrating in droves, across generations? How many Palestinians ever got on the stage to express sympathy with Lebanon against Assad's occupation, or against Hezbollah's tyranny? How many Palestinians apologized to starting Lebanon's civil war and running amok in the country for some 15 years? Salam's nonsense: "The proof is that Palestine's voice is rising—albeit after a long wait—in the highest international courts, where Israel is being held accountable for the crimes it committed against civilians in Gaza, and its continued presence in the territories it occupied in 1967 is being completely delegitimized."

As Iran Retreats, Islamist Turkey and Qatar Surge in Lebanon
Hussain Abdul-Hussain/This Is Beirut/Posted on 03 June/2025
Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, a Sunni, entered the stadium of Beirut’s Sports City to watch the classic football game between the two rival teams Nijmeh and Ansar. When the Shia supporters of Nijmeh saw Salam, they started shouting slogans in support of Hezbollah and its late chief Hassan Nasrallah. The Sunni fans of Ansar fired back, not by shouting Salam’s name or that of Saudi Arabia, as would have been expected. The Sunni crowd shouted “Jolani, Jolani,” invoking the nom de guerre of Syria’s self-declared president, Islamist Ahmad el-Sharaa. The political landscape in Lebanon is changing.
The results of the recent municipal elections in Lebanon confirm this shift. The Iranian Islamist regime and its allies, Hezbollah and Speaker Nabih Berri, lost ground to their opponents, who expanded their voting bloc up to 45% in the south and 35% in the Bekaa (east). Tehran’s retreat coincided with a surge in another radical Islamist brand, that of Turkey and Qatar, whose protégés swept to victory in most predominantly Sunni districts, especially in the north but not in Beirut.
The “Change bloc”, which rode a wave of frustration resulting from the 2019 economic meltdown and in 2022 won 13 lawmakers in the 128-seat Parliament, has collapsed.
Throughout Lebanon’s 15-year civil war, which ended in 1990, the country’s Sunnis were viewed as a pacifist bloc. The Sunnis are concentrated in the coastal areas, forming a majority in the three biggest cities of Beirut, Tripoli, and Sidon. Sunni communities, centered around the nation’s ports, traditionally engaged in trade. Merchants are rarely fighters, or so the assumption went. Sunni leaders were notables from Ottoman times.
During the civil war, Lebanon’s Sunnis had a small, incompetent, and irrelevant militia, the Morabitoon, which barely controlled a street or two in West Beirut and was often beaten fast and hard by the Druze and the Shia militias.
After the civil war, the Sunnis rallied around a leader who looked like them: Rafic Hariri, a construction tycoon billionaire who had made his billions in Saudi Arabia. A UN tribunal found that Hezbollah, the Shia militia, assassinated Hariri in 2004.
The outbreak of civil war in Syria in 2011, saw Shia Hezbollah and its ally Bashar Assad prevail over the various Sunni militias, thus increasing Sunni frustration. Sunnis could not counter the prowess of Shia Iran or its allies and militias in the Levant.
But then, on October 8, Hezbollah started a war with Israel. The Jewish state crushed Hezbollah with such force that the once weak Sunni militias in Syria managed to overrun Assad and his regime. Syria thus changed hands from Shia Islamism to Sunni Islamism. Lebanon is not there yet.
The new rulers of Syria are sponsored by Turkey and Qatar. With Hezbollah weakened, now Turks and Qataris see an opportunity in trouncing Iranian Islamism in Lebanon too, as they did in Syria. When the Shia in Beirut shout “Nasrallah”, the Sunnis respond “Jolani”.
Perhaps the surge in Turkish and Qatari Islamism in Syria alarmed Saudi Arabia and prompted it to try to quickly curry favor with Sharaa. Riyadh threw its weight behind the new Islamist leader of Syria, intervening with Washington to lift sanctions and resume diplomatic ties. In Lebanon too, Saudi Arabia scrambled to reconnect with past friends. Druze leader Walid Jumblatt, a wily character whose leadership is on the decline, was blacklisted in Riyadh for a long time, but has since been rehabilitated. It was only natural for Jumblatt to become the first Lebanese oligarch to visit Damascus and meet with Sharaa.
Saudi measures, however, seem to be improvised, not strategic.
October 7 changed Israel and its defense doctrine, from containment to preemption. This means that the Jewish state will continue pounding Hezbollah into oblivion. Like in Syria, Islamist Iranian retreat will create a vacuum in Lebanon that will be filled by Sunni Islamism as envisaged by Turkey and Qatar. Lebanon might therefore move from the tyranny of Nasrallah’s Shia Islamism to Chareh’s Sunni version.
What should Lebanon do? The best way out is for Beirut to shut down both forms of Islamism, Shia and Sunni. The faster Lebanon isolates itself from the region — Iran, Turkey, Qatar and also Saudi Arabia — the less likely it is to be dragged into the coming regional wars. President Joseph Aoun can do Lebanon a great service if he acts proactively, rather than reactively, in extracting the country from endless regional turmoil. A peace treaty with Israel gives Lebanon more options in distancing itself from the region or at least allows Beirut to walk a fine line between the various warring parties.
**Hussain Abdul-Hussain is a research fellow at The Foundation for the Defense of Democracies (FDD).

Open Letter from Former Minister Youssef Salameh, Head of the Identity and Sovereignty Gathering, to Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, Addressing What the Prime Minister Considered His Government’s Achievements During Its First 100 Days
June 5, 2025
https://eliasbejjaninews.com/2025/06/143958/
Your Excellency Prime Minister Nawaf Salam,
I listened to your recent remarks outlining what you described as the achievements of your government during its first one hundred days in office. Upon hearing them, the following thoughts came to mind:
Mr. Prime Minister, don’t you think that if you had taken the following actions, the outcome would have been far more meaningful and effective?
First: Issued an immediate decision to extend the full authority of the state from Beirut to Lebanon’s borders and formally requested the support of the UN Security Council to assist you in implementing this,
Second: Carried out judicial appointments in sensitive positions and held senior politicians and officials accountable—especially those who entered public service with modest means and emerged with hundreds of millions, even billions of dollars in wealth—
…then you would have dramatically shortened the road to reform and national recovery.
On that note, allow me to ask:
Did your recent judicial appointments truly break away from the old quota system?
And let us remind you: the President had previously called for rotation and merit-based appointments in his inauguration speech. Can your government implement judicial reform without the “blessing” of the sectarian political lords?
Specifically, can you confirm the permanent appointment of Acting Financial Prosecutor Judge Dora El Khazen, who has proven her competence, integrity, and courage under pressure—particularly in her pursuit of justice in the medicine theft case?
With all due respect, Mr. Prime Minister, as the Lebanese saying goes:
“A staircase is cleaned from the top down.”
If your government does not initiate real accountability and prosecution, you will not earn the people’s trust.

The Next Era of Israel-Lebanon Relations? Ceasefire Status and Political Prospects
https://youtu.be/cP3U9UutNBg
Six months after Lebanon and Israel signed their ceasefire agreement, Israeli military operations continue across the border, while the Lebanese Armed Forces have only scratched the surface of their most crucial and difficult mission—disarming Hezbollah and Palestinian militia factions throughout the country. At the same time, Lebanon’s recent municipal elections offered some indication of how next year’s historic parliamentary election could go and whether the political class will take bolder action on disarmament, border demarcation, and reform in the interim. For its part, Washington has played an indispensable role in maintaining the ceasefire mechanism but must now consider what combination of diplomatic engagement and fiscal pressure will propel Beirut and other actors to the next step. To discuss these challenges, The Washington Institute is pleased to announce a virtual Policy Forum with:
Hanin Ghaddar, the Institute’s Friedmann Senior Fellow and a veteran Lebanese journalist whose publications include “Hezbollahland: Mapping Dahiya and the Shia Community.”
Ghaith al-Omari, the Institute’s Gilbert Foundation Senior Fellow and a former advisor to the Palestinian Authority.
Brig. Gen. Assaf Orion, IDF (Res.), the Institute’s Rueven International Fellow, a senior research fellow at Israel’s Institute for National Security Studies, and former head of the IDF Strategic Planning Division, where he led liaison efforts with the LAF and the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL)

Residents of south Beirut suburbs flee Israeli warnings, strikes on Hezbollah factories
AFP/June 05, 2025
BEIRUT: Huge numbers of people fled Beirut’s southern suburbs on Thursday after the Israeli military issued an evacuation warning and said it was striking underground drone factories belonging to Hezbollah. The streets around the area were seen jammed with traffic as residents tried to leave, with Lebanese media reporting Israeli warning strikes. “You are located near facilities belonging to the terrorist organization Hezbollah,” said the warning from the Israeli army’s Arabic-language spokesman, Avichay Adraee. “For your safety and the safety of your families, you are required to evacuate these buildings immediately and move away from them at a distance of no less than 300 meters.” In a separate statement, the army said it would “soon carry out a strike on underground UAV (drone) production infrastructure sites that were deliberately established in the heart of (the) civilian population” in Beirut. Israel and the Iranian-backed Hezbollah engaged in more than a year of hostilities that began with the outbreak of the Gaza war and culminated in an intense Israeli bombing campaign and ground incursion into southern Lebanon.A November ceasefire sought to end the fighting — which left Hezbollah severely weakened — but Israel has continued to regularly carry out strikes in Lebanon’s south.Strikes targeting Beirut’s southern suburbs, considered a Hezbollah stronghold, have been rare, however. “Following Hezbollah’s extensive use of UAVs as a central component of its terrorist attacks on the state of Israel, the terrorist organization is operating to increase production of UAVs for the next war,” the army statement said, calling the activities “a blatant violation of the understandings between Israel and Lebanon.”Under the truce, Hezbollah fighters were to withdraw north of the Litani river, about 30 kilometers from the border, and dismantle their military posts to the south. Israel was to pull all its troops from Lebanon, but it has kept them in five positions it deems “strategic” along the frontier. The Lebanese army has been deploying in the south and removing Hezbollah infrastructure there, with Prime Minister Nawaf Salam saying Thursday that it had dismantled “more than 500 military positions and arms depots” in the area.

Israel strikes Beirut’s suburbs to target what it says is Hezbollah drone production
The Associated Press/05 June ,2025
The Israeli military struck several sites in Beirut’s southern suburbs that it said held underground facilities used by Hezbollah for drone production Thursday, on the eve of the Eid al-Adha holiday. The strikes marked the first time in more than a month that Israel had struck on the outskirts of the capital and the fourth time since a US-brokered ceasefire agreement ended the latest war between Israel and the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah in November. Israel posted a warning ahead of the strikes on X, formerly known as Twitter, announcing that it would hit eight buildings at four locations.
Israel has continued to carry out near-daily strikes in southern and eastern Lebanon since the ceasefire, which Lebanon has said are in violation of the agreement. Israeli officials say the strikes are intended to prevent Hezbollah from regrouping after a war that took out much of its senior leadership and arsenal. The Israeli army said in a statement that Hezbollah was “working to produce thousands of drones under the guidance and financing of Iranian terrorist groups.”Hezbollah “used drones extensively in its attacks against the State of Israel and is working to expand its drone industry and production in preparation for the next war,” the army statement said. There was no immediate statement from Hezbollah. A Hezbollah official who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to comment publicly denied that there were drone production facilities at the targeted locations. “In the (ceasefire) agreement, there is a mechanism for investigating if there is a complaint,” the official said. “Israel in general, and Netanyahu in particular, wants to continue the war in the region.”The conflict killed more than 4,000 people in Lebanon, including hundreds of civilians, while the Lebanese government said in April that Israeli strikes had killed another 190 people and wounded 485 wounded since the ceasefire. There has been increasing pressure on Hezbollah - both domestic and international - to give up its remaining arsenal, but officials with the group have said they will not do so until Israel stops its airstrikes and withdraws from five points it is still occupying along the border in southern Lebanon.

Israel army issues evacuation warning for parts of Beirut's southern suburbs
Agence France Presse/June 05/2025
The Israeli army issued an evacuation warning for parts of Beirut's southern suburbs on Thursday, telling residents they were in the vicinity of buildings associated with Hezbollah. "You are located near facilities belonging to the terrorist organization Hezbollah," said the warning from Arabic-language spokesman Avichay Adraee, whose warnings are usually followed by airstrikes. "For your safety and the safety of your families, you are required to evacuate these buildings immediately and move away from them at a distance of no less than 300 meters," Adraee added.

Katz praises Israeli air force for 'perfect execution' after Dahieh strikes
Associated Press/June 05/2025
Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz praised Thursday the Israeli military after it struck several sites in Beirut’s southern suburbs that it said held underground facilities used by Hezbollah for drone production. Katz in a statement praised the Israeli air force for "perfect execution" of the strikes and said Israel will "continue to enforce the ceasefire rules without any compromise." He said Israel holds the "Lebanese government directly responsible for preventing violations of the ceasefire and all terrorist activity against the state of Israel."

Aoun, Salam, Berri accuse Israel of flagrant ceasefire violation
Associated Press/Agence France Presse/June 05/2025
Lebanon's leaders accused Israel of a "flagrant" ceasefire violation by launching strikes on Beirut's southern suburbs on Thursday ahead of the Muslim holiday Eid al-Adha. President Joseph Aoun in a statement voiced "firm condemnation of the Israeli aggression" and called the strikes a "blatant violation of an international agreement, as well as the basic principles of international and humanitarian laws and resolutions, on the eve of a sacred religious occasion". He said it demonstrates Israel's "rejection of the requirements of stability, settlement and just peace in our region."
Aoun accused Israel of using Lebanon as a "mailbox" to send a message to the United States. He did not elaborate. Washington has been negotiating with Iran - Hezbollah's longtime backer - for a deal over Tehran's nuclear program and has warned Israel not to strike Iran in the meantime. Prime Minister Nawaf Salam and Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri also issued statements condemning the strikes, which came despite a November 27 ceasefire. At least six Israeli air strikes hit Beirut's southern suburbs on Thursday night, after the military said it would target underground Hezbollah drone factories.
The Israeli military had said it would "soon carry out a strike on underground UAV (drone) production infrastructure sites that were deliberately established in the heart of (the) civilian population" in Beirut. Israel and Hezbollah engaged in more than a year of hostilities that began with the outbreak of the Gaza war and culminated in an intense Israeli bombing campaign and ground incursion into southern Lebanon. A November ceasefire sought to end the fighting -- which left Hezbollah severely weakened -- but Israel has continued to regularly carry out strikes in Lebanon's south. Strikes targeting Beirut's southern suburbs, considered a Hezbollah stronghold, have been rare, however. "Following Hezbollah's extensive use of UAVs as a central component of its terrorist attacks on the state of Israel, the terrorist organization is operating to increase production of UAVs for the next war," the military statement said, calling the activities "a blatant violation of the understandings between Israel and Lebanon". A Hezbollah official denied that there were drone production facilities at the targeted locations. “In the (ceasefire) agreement, there is a mechanism for investigating if there is a complaint,” the official said. “Israel in general, and Netanyahu in particular, wants to continue the war in the region.” A Lebanese army official said the army had attempted to convince Israel not to carry out the strikes and to instead let Lebanese officials go in to search the area under the mechanism laid out in the ceasefire agreement, but that the Israeli army refused, so Lebanese soldiers moved away from the locations. Israeli army officials could not immediately be reached for comment. Both Lebanese officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly.

Instead of celebrating Eid, residents flee as Israel strikes Dahieh in major escalation
Associated Press/June 05/2025
The Israeli military struck several sites in Beirut's southern suburbs that it said held underground facilities used by Hezbollah for drone production Thursday, on the eve of the Eid al-Adha holiday. The strikes marked the first time in more than a month that Israel had struck on the outskirts of the capital and the fourth time since a US-brokered ceasefire agreement ended the latest war between Israel and the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah in November. Israel posted a warning ahead of the strikes on X, formerly known as Twitter, announcing that it would hit eight buildings at four locations. Israel has continued to carry out near-daily strikes in southern and eastern Lebanon since the ceasefire, which Lebanon has said are in violation of the agreement. Israeli officials say the strikes are intended to prevent Hezbollah from regrouping after a war that took out much of its senior leadership and arsenal. The Israeli army said in a statement that Hezbollah was "working to produce thousands of drones under the guidance and financing of Iranian terrorist groups." Hezbollah "used drones extensively in its attacks against the State of Israel and is working to expand its drone industry and production in preparation for the next war," the army statement said. There was no immediate statement from Hezbollah.
A Hezbollah official denied that there were drone production facilities at the targeted locations. "In the (ceasefire) agreement, there is a mechanism for investigating if there is a complaint," the official said. "Israel in general, and Netanyahu in particular, wants to continue the war in the region."A Lebanese army official said the army had attempted to convince Israel not to carry out the strikes and to instead let Lebanese officials go in to search the area under the mechanism laid out in the ceasefire agreement, but that the Israeli army refused, so Lebanese soldiers moved away from the locations. Israeli army officials could not immediately be reached for comment. Both Lebanese officials spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly. The conflict killed more than 4,000 people in Lebanon, including hundreds of civilians, while the Lebanese government said in April that Israeli strikes had killed another 190 people and wounded 485 wounded since the ceasefire. There has been increasing pressure on Hezbollah - both domestic and international - to give up its remaining arsenal, but officials with the group have said they will not do so until Israel stops its airstrikes and withdraws from five points it is still occupying along the border in southern Lebanon.

Israeli general warns against any attack from Lebanon
Naharnet/June 05/2025
The commander of the Israeli army’s northern front has warned against any attack from Lebanon, following the recent rocket attack from Syria that targeted the Israeli-annexed Golan Heights. “After 19 years, we returned to war in Lebanon. We did not stop until the equation was reversed, and we will not allow the equation to be reversed again. These days, we continue to preserve our achievements and thwart and prevent any threat,” Northern Command chief Ori Gordin said at a ceremony marking the 19th anniversary of the 2006 war with Hezbollah. “If anyone makes a mistake … and shoots at us as happened last night from Syria, we will respond to them in kind and pursue them and those who sent them relentlessly, and this will be a clear message to all our enemies,” Gordin added. An Israeli security source meanwhile told Al-Arabiya's Al-Hadath channel that "Iran, Hezbollah and those linked to (ousted Syrian President Bashar) al-Assad are trying to obstruct stability in Syria." "The current Syrian administration had nothing to do with the firing of rockets from south Syria," the source added.

Lebanese Army tried to prevent Dahieh strikes but Israel refused, official says
Associated Press/June 05/2025
A Lebanese army official said that the army had attempted to convince Israel not to carry out strikes on several sites in Beirut’s southern suburbs Thursday, on the eve of the Eid al-Adha holiday. The official said the army asked Israel to let Lebanese officials go in to search the area under the mechanism laid out in the ceasefire agreement, but that the Israeli army refused, so Lebanese soldiers moved away from the locations. LBCI said that the Lebanese Army did inspect one of the Dahieh buildings and found no weapons despite the Israeli refusal. The Israeli military later struck several sites in Dahieh that it said held underground facilities used by Hezbollah for drone production. A Hezbollah official denied that there were drone production facilities at the targeted locations. "In the (ceasefire) agreement, there is a mechanism for investigating if there is a complaint," the official said. "Israel in general, and Netanyahu in particular, wants to continue the war in the region."

Lebanon dismantles ‘more than 500’ Hezbollah installations, PM says
FRANCE 24/June 5, 2025
The Lebanese army has dismantled more than 500 of Hezbollah installations in the south to restore “authority" over the country, Lebanon’s prime minister said Thursday.
Prime Minister Nawaf Salam said on Thursday that the Lebanese army had dismantled “more than 500 military positions and arms depots” belonging to Hezbollah in the south of the country. In a televised address marking 100 days in office, Salam said his government was pressing ahead with reforms demanded by the international community. “The state continues its action... to restore its authority over the entire national territory... and to have a monopoly on arms,” he said. “The Lebanese army is continuing its deployment and has so far dismantled more than 500 military positions and arms depots south of the Litani river” about 30 kilometres from the Israeli border.
Israel still in Lebanon
Under a November ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hezbollah, the Iran-backed militant group was required to pull its fighters out of the area and dismantle its military infrastructure south of the Litani. Israel was meant to withdraw from all Lebanese territory but has remained in five positions along the border and continues to carry out strikes, saying it targets Hezbollah, which was severely weakened in the war.
The prime minister said Lebanon also planned to disarm Palestinian refugee camps, which lie outside the state’s control.

Salam says army dismantled 'more than 500' Hezbollah installations in south
Agence France Presse/June 05/2025
Prime Minister Nawaf Salam said on Thursday that the Lebanese army had dismantled "more than 500 military positions and arms depots" belonging to Hezbollah in the south of the country. "The state continues its action... to restore its authority over the entire national territory... and to have a monopoly on arms," Salam said in a televised address. The effort follows a ceasefire agreement between the militant group and Israel which ended a war between them last November.

Salam says only opponents are those who refuse to abide by ministerial statement
Naharnet/June 05/2025
Prime Minister Nawaf Salam said Thursday that his only opponents are those who refuse to abide by the ministerial statement which vowed a state monopoly on arms. Although Hezbollah MP Mohammad Raad said Wednesday after a Hezbollah delegation's meeting with Salam that his party is keen on permanent understanding and accord with Salam and all components in the country, Salam seemed to refer to Hezbollah by those refusing to abide by the ministerial statement. Salam's comments came during a chat with journalists at the Grand Serail. "I am committed to good relations based on mutual respect with all political components in the country, and I have no opponent except those who refuse to abide by the ministerial statement," Salam told local Nidaa al-Watan newspaper, accusing Hezbollah, according to the daily, of a "populist" campaign against him that will not succeed in dissuading his government from implementing its reform program. Nawaf said he had visited Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri in Ain al-Tineh to urge him to call for an extraordinary session to accelerate the pace of reforms. In a speech Wednesday, Salam said there will be no stability in Lebanon without a complete Israeli withdrawal and without the reconstruction of what was destroyed by the Israeli aggression but added that Hezbollah must disarm. "There can be no security or safety without the state's monopoly on arms and without the state's full control of war and peace decisions," Salam said, adding that "these are non-negotiables". "We may have been very late but there will be no drawing back from now on."

Syria says seized missiles and ammo destined for Lebanon
Naharnet/June 05/2025
Security forces in the Syrian border city of Qusayr have foiled an attempt to smuggle an arms shipment into Lebanon, the Syrian interior ministry said. On its Telegram channel, the ministry said the shipment contained guided anti-tank missiles and 30mm ammunition. The weapons have been confiscated while the truck’s driver has been arrested and referred to the relevant judicial authorities, the ministry added. This is not the first time that Syria’s new authorities announce seizing weapons headed to neighboring Lebanon.

Ortagus departure: Bad news for Israel, good news for Berri
Naharnet/June 05/2025
Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri said that Israel's discontent about the replacement of U.S. Deputy Special Envoy for the Middle East Morgan Ortagus is "pleasing to the heart."In remarks published Thurday in local al-Joumhouria newspaper, Berri said that the Israeli discontent is more than enough reason for him to be pleased by the replacement of Morgan Ortagus. Apparently Berri is a strong believer of "the enemy of my enemy is my friend" proverb. The Speaker used the same logic when he voiced support for United Nations peacekeepers after clashes between the peacekeepers and locals in south Lebanon. "We know that Israel is against the UNIFIL's presence in south Lebanon and has targeted them many times. This alone is enough for us to support their presence," he said. Ortagus is reportedly leaving her position soon and will be reassigned to another role in the Trump administration. An Israeli media report said Ortagus' departure was "not good for Israel" as she is an avid supporter of Israel and has "firmly worked on the file of disarming Hezbollah."Al-Akhbar newspaper meanwhile reported that President Joseph Aoun had expressed to U.S. officials "his unease" over Ortagus' approach.
In her first visit to war-hit Lebanon in February, Ortagus voiced from the presidential palace in Baabda pro-Israel statements. "We are grateful to our ally Israel for defeating Hezbollah," Ortagus said, adding that the United States has set a "red line" that Hezbollah should not be a member of Lebanon's next government. The Lebanese Presidency’s press office later announced that "what Ortagus said from Baabda reflects her viewpoint and the Presidency is not concerned with it.”Later on the X platform, Ortagus mocked Hezbollah chief Sheikh Naim Qassem with a "Yawn" as she reposted some of his words and insulted former PSP leader Walid Jumblat. "Crack is whack, Walid," Ortagus wrote after Jumblat described her conditions as "unrealistic."Sources close to Aoun meanwhile told al-Akhbar earlier this week that Ortagus’ replacement could be Joel Rayburn, an anti-Iran hawk and one of the most prominent U.S. officials who followed up on the Syrian file throughout the past decade.

Report: Araghchi told Hezbollah not to discuss arms before knowing outcome of talks with US
Naharnet/June 05/2025
Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi’s visit to Lebanon was aimed at saying that “Tehran is still present in Lebanon,” a source close to Hezbollah told Al-Arabiya’s Al-Hadath channel. “What’s new in Araghchi’s visit is that he said that Iran would deal with the Lebanese state and not with political parties,” the source said. “Araghchi’s message was to avoid engaging in a dialogue that would decide the fate of (Hezbollah’s) weapons before knowing the outcome of the (Iranian nuclear) negotiations with the U.S.,” the source added. “Araghchi’s message to the allies was that Tehran is determined to absorb the requirements of the new era and to deal with its transformations,” the source went on to say.

Araghchi says Hezbollah arms 'Lebanese affair', not linked to nuclear file
Naharnet/June 05/2025
Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has said that his visit to Lebanon was not only aimed at signing his new book but was also part of Iran’s policy of “enhancing ties with the new Lebanese government.”In an interview with Al-Manar television, Araghchi added that his talks in Lebanon were “fruitful and resulted in an agreement for expanding commercial and economic cooperation and increasing political coordination in a manner that respects the sovereignty of the two countries and the principle of noninterference in domestic affairs.”
He also stressed his country’s “full support for Lebanon’s independence and sovereignty,” calling for an end to the Israeli occupation of parts of south Lebanon. As for the controversial issue of Hezbollah’s weapons, Araghchi emphasized that “this file is a purely Lebanese affair that must be discussed nationally between the Lebanese government and the various political and popular components.”“The decision regarding this topic is to be taken by the resistance (Hezbollah) in coordination with the Lebanese forces,” the Iranian minister added. Moreover, Araghchi denied the presence of any link between the Iranian nuclear file and the issue of Hezbollah’s arms, underscoring that “the nuclear negotiations with the United States are exclusively limited to the peaceful Iranian nuclear activities.”

Lebanon and Ortagus: political clowning in a time of collapse
Makram Rabah/Now Lebanon/June 05/2025
This handout picture released by the Lebanese presidency shows US deputy special envoy for the Middle East Morgan Ortagus speaking during a press conference after her meeting with the Lebanese president in Baabda, east of Beirut on February 7, 2025. Ortagus on February 7 said that Hezbollah's presence in Lebanon's new government was a red line, welcoming the end of the Iran-backed group's "reign of terror".
Anyone following the conversations among the Lebanese public and media might be led to believe—if only momentarily—that the President of the United States or other global decision-makers wake each day with Lebanon’s political and economic affairs at the top of their agendas. As if Donald Trump and his administration were obsessed with tracking Lebanon’s political developments, institutional structures, and tangled alleyways.
The news of the potential dismissal of Morgan Ortagus, Deputy US Envoy to the Middle East, highlights this odd phenomenon. The Lebanese, across political and cultural lines and with a deeply ingrained—if somewhat delusional—belief in their ethnic and geographic uniqueness, responded to Ortagus’s anticipated departure with a superficial, even childish, attitude.
Of course, her dismissal was not due to her style—described by some as abrasive or undiplomatic—but because the US administration, unlike many in Lebanon, approaches foreign policy with perspective and clear prioritization. This administration consistently reminds the Lebanese of their dire situation, a crisis largely of their own making. Recovery begins with owning up to past failures, defending national sovereignty, disarming Hezbollah and its affiliates, and enacting critical reforms to prevent Lebanon’s economy from becoming a proxy tool for the Iranian Revolutionary Guard.
Ortagus’s expected exit prompted reactions that fell along Lebanon’s all-too-familiar political lines. The “sovereignty camp,” yearning to end the Iranian stranglehold, saw her departure as a loss. Meanwhile, the “resistance” axis interpreted it as a win for their so-called “liberation” project—a project more invested in organized crime and drug trafficking than in any real struggle “to throw the Jews into the sea.” Both camps, however, missed a fundamental truth: US policy—particularly under Trump’s erratic leadership—largely sidelines Lebanon. The replacement of an envoy or adviser does not represent a seismic shift in Washington’s foreign policy doctrine.
The Lebanese response—whether joy or sorrow—resembled the smug satisfaction of a lazy student upon the firing of a strict teacher who insisted on academic integrity and effort as the only path to success. Ortagus’s counsel was not born of affection for the Lebanese people, but from a US strategic imperative: to stabilize Lebanon by empowering its state institutions and warning its citizens that serving as human shields for Iran-backed militias in regional conflicts would only lead to further devastation.
The Lebanese misunderstanding of how the US government and White House function gave rise to bizarre narratives about the internal workings of the Trump administration. Speculation ran rampant about who would take over the “Lebanon file,” including veteran diplomat Joel Rayburn—a claim that is inaccurate. Rayburn, a Levant affairs expert, is expected to return to the State Department pending congressional approval, but envoys report directly to the White House and the President. Regardless of who inherits the Lebanon portfolio, they will likely understand that Lebanon’s ruling class has long preferred the company of celebrities, plastic surgeons, and pop stars to that of serious reformers willing to rebuild a functioning state. Ortagus’s departure also coincided with the 20th anniversary of the assassination of journalist and historian Samir Kassir—murdered by the Assad regime and its ally Hezbollah. Yet, on this solemn occasion, many merely posted photos and tributes to his ideas, failing to tie his legacy to any real resistance against the same forces that have weaponized the Palestinian cause and silenced voices like Kassir’s, Lokman Slim’s, George Hawi’s—and even blew up the Beirut port.
This moment—the anniversary of Beirut’s historian and the dismissal of an American envoy—should serve as a reminder to the Lebanese: salvation will not come from outside envoys unless their advice is met with attentive ears and a genuine will to act. These ideas remain tragically unripe in a nation where deception and evasion have become a governing philosophy.
Makram Rabah is the managing editor at Now Lebanon and an Assistant Professor at the American University of Beirut, Department of History. His book Conflict on Mount Lebanon: The Druze, the Maronites and Collective Memory (Edinburgh University Press) cover collective identities and the Lebanese Civil War. He tweets at @makramrabah

The Latest English LCCC Miscellaneous Reports And News published  on June 05-06/2025
Netanyahu says Israel has 'activated' some Palestinian clans opposed to Hamas
Julia Frankel, Samy Magdy And Sam Mednick/The Associated Press/June 5, 2025
JERUSALEM — Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Thursday that Israel has “activated” some clans of Palestinians in Gaza that are opposed to Hamas, though it was not immediately clear what role they would play. His comments on social media were the first public acknowledgment of Israel’s backing of armed Palestinian groups within Gaza, based around powerful clans or extended families. Such clans often wield some control in corners of Gaza, and some have had clashes or tensions with Hamas in the past. Palestinians and aid workers have accused clans of carrying out criminal attacks and stealing aid from trucks. Several clans have issued public statements rejecting cooperation with the Israelis or denouncing looting. An Israeli official said that one group that Netanyahu was referring to was the so-called Popular Forces, led by Yasser Abu Shabab, a local clan leader in Gaza's southernmost city, Rafah. The official spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to talk to the media. In recent weeks, the Abu Shabab group announced online that its fighters were helping protect shipments to the new, Israeli-backed food distribution centers run by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation in the Rafah area. But some Palestinians say the group has also been involved in attacking and looting aid convoys. Netanyahu did not specify what support Israel was giving to the clans, or what specifically their role would be. His announcement came hours after a political opponent criticized him for arming unofficial groups of Palestinians in Gaza. In a video posted to his X account, Netanyahu said the government made the move on the advice of “security officials,” in order to save lives of Israeli soldiers. Though it was known in southern Gaza throughout the war, the Abu Shabab group emerged publicly the past month, posting pictures of its armed members, with helmets, flak jackets and automatic weapons. It declared itself a “nationalist force” protecting aid. The Abu Shabab family renounced Yasser over his connections with the Israeli military in a recent statement, saying he and anyone who joined his group “are no longer linked” to the family. The group’s media office said in response to emailed questions from the Associated Press that it operates in Israeli military-controlled areas for a “purely humanitarian” reason. It described its ties with the Israel military as “humanitarian communication to facilitate the introduction of aid and ensure that it is not intercepted.” “We are not proxies for anyone,” it said. “We have not received any military or logistical support from any foreign party.”It said it has “secured the surroundings” of GHF centers in Rafah but was not involved in distribution of food. It rejected accusations that the group had looted aid, calling them “exaggerations” and part of a “smear campaign.” But it also said, “our popular forces led by Yasser Abu Shabab only took the minimum amount of food and water necessary to secure their elements in the field,” without elaborating how, and from whom, they took the aid.
Abu Shabab and around 100 fighters have been active in eastern parts of Rafah and Khan Younis, areas under Israeli military control, according to Nahed Sheheiber, head of the private transportation union in Gaza that provides trucks and drivers for aid groups. He said they used to attack aid trucks driving on a military-designated route leading from the Kerem Shalom crossing with Israel, the main entry point for aid. “Our trucks were attacked many times by the Abu Shabab gang and the occupation forces stood idle. They did nothing," Sheheiber said, referring to the Israeli military,
"The one who has looted aid is now the one who protects aid,” he said sarcastically. An aid worker in Gaza said humanitarian groups tried last year to negotiate with Abu Shabab and other influential families to end their looting of convoys. Though they agreed, they soon reverted to hijacking trucks, the aid worker said, speaking on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to talk the media. The aid worker said he saw Abu Shabab’s men operating in Israeli-controlled areas near the military-held Morag Corridor in southern Gaza in late May. They were wearing new uniforms and carried what appeared to be new weapons, he said. Jonathan Whittall, head of the U.N. humanitarian office OCHA for the occupied Palestinian territory, said Thursday that "criminal gangs operating under the watch of Israeli forces near Kerem Shalom would systematically attack and loot aid convoys. .... These gangs have by far been the biggest cause of aid loss in Gaza.”The war between Israel and Hamas erupted on Oct. 7, 2023, when Hamas-linked militants stormed into southern Israel, killing some 1,200 people and taking 251 others hostage. Israel responded with an offensive that has decimated Gaza, displaced nearly all of its 2.3 million people and caused a humanitarian crisis that has left the territory on the brink of famine. Gaza’s Health Ministry says over 54,000 Palestinians have been killed, more than half of them women and children. The ministry, which is led by medical professionals but reports to the Hamas-run government, does not distinguish between civilians and combatants in its tally. Hamas is still holding 56 hostages. Around a third are believed to be alive, though many fear they are in grave danger the longer the war goes on.

Israel says it has recovered the bodies of 2 Israeli-American hostages from the Gaza Strip
Melanie Lidman, Natalie Melzer And Wafaa Shurafa/AP/June 5, 2025
TEL AVIV, Israel — Israel has recovered the bodies of two Israeli-American hostages taken in Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023 attack that ignited the war in the Gaza Strip. Israeli strikes overnight and into Thursday meanwhile killed at least 22 people, including three local journalists who were in the courtyard of a hospital, according to health officials in the territory. The military said it targeted a militant in that strike. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the remains of Judih Weinstein and Gad Haggai were recovered and returned to Israel in a special operation by the army and the Shin Bet internal security agency.
“Together with all the citizens of Israel, my wife and I extend our heartfelt condolences to the dear families. Our hearts ache for the most terrible loss. May their memory be blessed,” he said in a statement. Kibbutz Nir Oz announced the deaths of Weinstein, 70, and Haggai, 72, both of whom had Israeli and U.S. citizenship, in December 2023. Weinstein was also a Canadian citizen. The military said they were killed in the Oct. 7 attack and taken into Gaza by the Mujahideen Brigades, the small armed group that it said had also abducted and killed Shiri Bibas and her two small children. The army said it recovered the remains of Weinstein and Haggai overnight into Thursday from Gaza’s southern city of Khan Younis.
A teacher who helped children and a chef who played jazz
The couple were taking an early morning walk near their home in Kibbutz Nir Oz on the morning of Oct. 7 when Hamas militants stormed across the border and rampaged through several army bases and farming communities. In the early hours of the morning, Weinstein was able to call emergency services and let them know that both she and her husband had been shot and send a message to her family. Weinstein was born in New York and taught English to children with special needs at Kibbutz Nir Oz, a small community near the Gaza border. The kibbutz said she also taught meditation techniques to children and teenagers who suffered from anxiety as a result of rocket fire from Gaza. Haggai was a retired chef and jazz musician. “My beautiful parents have been freed. We have certainty,” their daughter, Iris Haggai Liniado, wrote in a Facebook post. She thanked the Israeli military, the FBI and the Israeli and U.S. governments and called for the release of all the remaining hostages. The couple were survived by two sons, two daughters and seven grandchildren, the kibbutz said.
Struggles continue to get aid to Palestinians
U.N. efforts to distribute aid suffered a blow Thursday when the Palestinian organization that provides trucks and drivers said it was suspending operations after gunmen attacked a convoy, killing a driver. The Special Transport Association said the convoy of some 60 trucks was heading into Deir al-Balah in central Gaza Wednesday evening when gunmen attacked, killing one driver and wounding three others. The association said it was the latest in attacks on convoys “clearly aimed at obstructing” aid delivery, though it did not say who it believed was behind the attack. Israel has accused Hamas of stealing aid and trying to block it from reaching Palestinians. Aid workers have said attacks on U.N. trucks appear to be by criminal gangs, some operating within sight of Israeli troops. The area where the association described the attack taking place lies on the edges of an Israeli military zone.
After blocking all food and aid from entering Gaza for more than two months, Israel began allowing a trickle of supplies to enter for the U.N. several weeks ago. But the U.N says it has been unable to distribute much of the aid because of Israeli military restrictions on movements and because roads that the military designates for its trucks to use are unsafe and vulnerable to looters. The blockade pushed Gaza’s population of more than 2 million to the brink of famine. Meanwhile, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, a mainly American private contractor, resumed food distribution at two centers near the southern city of Gaza on Thursday. It had halted all distribution the day before, saying it was discussing greater safety measures with the Israeli military. Near daily shootings have erupted in the vicinity of the hubs, with Palestinians reporting Israeli troops opening fire. More than 80 people have been killed and hundreds wounded, according to Gaza hospital officials. The Israeli military has said it fired warning shots or at individuals approaching its troops in some instances. GHF said Thursday it has distributed the equivalent of nearly 8.5 million meals since its centers began operating on May 26 — enough for one meal a day for just over a third of Gaza’s population.
Strikes around Gaza kill 22
Two Israeli airstrikes in Gaza City on Thursday afternoon killed 9 people, including a child and a woman, according to health officials. Most were killed when the strike hit a busy street where people were gathered to buy bags of flour, said one witness, Abu Farah.
“We want to bring food to our children. We’re not asking for anything more. We stopped demanding anything else other than food,” he said. At least 10 Palestinians were killed in Israeli strikes in Khan Younis overnight, according to Nasser Hospital, which received the bodies. It was not immediately clear if the strikes were related to the recovery mission. In Gaza City, three local reporters were killed and six people were wounded in a strike on the courtyard of the al-Ahli Hospital, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry. It did not immediately identify the journalists or say which outlets they worked for. The Israeli military said it struck an Islamic Jihad militant operating in the courtyard. The army says it only targets militants and blames civilian deaths on Hamas because it is embedded in populated areas. Over 180 journalists and media workers have been killed since the start of the Israel-Hamas war, the vast majority of them in Gaza, according to the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists. Israel has said many of those killed in its strikes were militants posing as reporters. Hamas-led militants killed some 1,200 people, mostly civilians, in the Oct. 7 attack and abducted 251 hostages. They are still holding 56 hostages, around a third of them believed to be alive, after most of the rest were released in ceasefire agreements or other deals. Israeli forces have rescued eight living hostages from Gaza and recovered dozens of bodies. Israel’s military campaign has killed more than 54,000 Palestinians, mostly women and children, according to the Gaza Health Ministry, which does not say how many of the dead were civilians or combatants. The offensive has destroyed large parts of Gaza and displaced around 90% of its population of roughly 2 million Palestinians.

Humanitarian vessel on aid mission to Gaza rescues 4 migrants at sea; dozens returned to Libya
Colleen Barry, The Associated Press/June 5, 2025
MILAN — A ship carrying activists, including Greta Thunberg, to Gaza to deliver humanitarian aid rescued four migrants on Thursday after they had jumped into the sea from another vessel to avoid being picked up by Libyan authorities. The vessel Madleen, which is operated by the Freedom Flotilla Coalition, was alerted by the European Union's Frontex border control agency and arrived at the location in the Mediterranean where it found 30-40 people on a “boat that was rapidly deflating.” As the Madleen launched its own inflatable rescue boat, a Libyan coast guard vessel approached at high speed, the coalition said. "To avoid being taken by the Libyan authorities, four people jumped into the sea, and began desperately swimming toward the Madleen,'' which rescued them. The Freedom Flotilla Coalition protested the return of the other migrants to Libya, where human rights campaigners have said they face abuse and even torture. It also has called on Italy, Greece and Malta to pick up those now on board the Madleen and bring them to safety in Europe. Climate campaigner Thunberg is among 12 activists aboard the Madleen which departed Sicily on Sunday on a mission that aims to break the sea blockade on Gaza and deliver humanitarian aid while raising awareness over the growing humanitarian crisis in the Palestinian enclave. The voyage was to last seven days. Among the others on board are “Game of Thrones” actor Liam Cunningham and Rima Hassan, a French member of the European Parliament who is of Palestinian descent. She has been barred from entering Israel due to her active opposition to the Israeli assault on Gaza. After a three month total blockade aimed at pressuring Hamas, Israel started allowing some basic aid into Gaza last month, but humanitarian works have warned of famine unless the blockade ends. Almost the entire Gaza population of 2.3 million is acutely malnourished and one in five Palestinians are on the brink of starvation, the World Food Program has warned. An attempt last month by Freedom Flotilla to reach Gaza by sea failed after another of the group’s vessels was attacked by two drones while sailing in international waters off Malta. The group blamed Israel for the attack, which damaged the front section of the ship.

Life in Iran's capital, Tehran, as high-stakes nuclear negotiations with the US go on
Vahid Salemi/AP/June 5, 2025
TEHRAN, Iran — As I prepared to take a photograph of an anti-American mural outside of the former U.S. Embassy in Iran’s capital recently, a passerby called out to me. “Take any picture you like, they’ll remove all of them later,” the man said. It was a telling moment as the murals have long been a feature of the U.S. Embassy compound, which has been held and run by Iran’s paramilitary Revolutionary Guard as a cultural center since the 1979 student-led hostage crisis there destroyed ties between Iran and the United States. Today, Iran is talking to America about a possible diplomatic deal over its nuclear program and the idea of ties between the West and the outside world again seems possible, though difficult. That's especially true after President Donald Trump's new travel ban includes Iran once more. The thing about taking pictures and working as a photojournalist in Tehran, my hometown, is that Iranians will come up to you in the street and tell you what they think. And sometimes, even when they won't say something out loud, I'll see it in the images I capture. That’s particularly true with the gradual change we have seen in how women dress, whether in ancient corridors of Tehran’s Grand Bazaar or in the tony streets of northern Tehran. Women are forgoing the mandatory hijab , or headscarf, even as hard-liners try to pressure a renewed enforcement of the law against what they call the "Western Cultural Invasion.” The government of reformist President Masoud Pezeshkian has meanwhile been urging restraint by police and others over the hijab. There are enough problems right now in Iran is their thought, particularly as Iran’s economy remains in dire straits. U.S. sanctions have decimated it. Iran’s rial currency has plummeted in recent years. That economic hardship has made people more distrustful of the country’s theocracy. And so people continue their daily lives in Tehran as they wait for any news after five rounds of talks so far between Iran and the U.S. You can see it in my photos. A carpet-seller waits to sell his wares in a darkened bazaar corner. Women without hijabs smoke shisha, or water-pipe tobacco. Another woman, wearing an all-black, all-encompassing chador, prays in a mosque’s courtyard. It can all appear contradictory, but that’s life here. Tehran, home to some 10 million people, is the ever-growing beating heart of Iran. And as it awaits the results of the negotiations, it can feel like it is skipping beats in anticipation.

Iran’s president thanks Saudi Arabia for Hajj efforts in call with Crown Prince
Al Arabiya English/05 June ,2025
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian held a phone call on Thursday, during which the Iranian president thanked the Kingdom for its efforts in organizing Hajj and the services provided to pilgrims, according to the official Saudi Press Agency (SPA). Iran’s state news agency IRNA also reported on the call, citing Pezeshkian as expressing appreciation for the “hard work of the Saudi government” in managing the pilgrimage. Pezeshkian also emphasized Iran’s willingness to strengthen ties with all Muslim nations, particularly Saudi Arabia, according to IRNA.

Trump names new generals to lead US military in Middle East, Europe and Africa
Al Arabiya English/05 June ,2025
The Trump administration tapped new generals to lead the US military in the Middle East, Africa and Europe, including a new NATO commander, this week. On Thursday, Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth announced that US President Donald Trump had nominated Air Force General Alex Grynkewich to become NATO’s new top commander in Europe.This comes after reports suggested the US could give up leading the alliance, which it has done since NATO was founded. Hegseth said NATO had agreed to appoint Grynkewich as NATO Supreme Allied Commander in Europe (SACEUR) and announced that Trump had also nominated the Air Force general to lead US European Command (EUCOM). Grynkewich is currently the Joint Staff Director for Operations at the Pentagon and previously was the top US Air Force commander for the Middle East. Separately, Hegseth said Trump had nominated the deputy commander of US Central Command to now lead CENTCOM, which is responsible for US military operations in the Middle East. Brad Cooper would be just the second Navy officer to head CENTCOM. Trump has also named Dagvin Anderson, the current director for Joint Force Development, to head US Africa Command (AFRICOM).

Chicago private equity firm has stake in Gaza aid company
Reuters/06 June ,2025
A Chicago-based private equity firm - controlled by a member of the family that founded American publishing company Rand McNally - has an “economic interest” in the logistics company involved in a controversial new aid distribution operation in Gaza.
McNally Capital, founded in 2008 by Ward McNally, helped “support the establishment” of Safe Reach Solutions, a McNally Capital spokesperson told Reuters. SRS is a for-profit company established in Wyoming in November, state incorporation records show. It is in the spotlight for its involvement with the US- and Israeli-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, which last week started distributing aid in the war-torn Palestinian enclave. The foundation paused work on Wednesday after a series of deadly shootings near the distribution sites of people on their way to pick up aid. It has suffered from the departure of senior personnel. “McNally Capital has provided administrative advice to SRS and worked in collaboration with multiple parties to enable SRS to carry out its mission,” the spokesperson said. “While McNally Capital has an economic interest in SRS, the firm does not actively manage SRS or have a day-to-day operating role.”SRS is run by a former CIA official named Phil Reilly, but its ownership has not previously been disclosed. Reuters has not been able to establish who funds the newly created foundation. The spokesperson did not provide details of the scale of the investment in SRS by McNally Capital, which says it has $380 million under management.
McNally Capital founder Ward McNally is the great great great grandson of the co-founder of Rand McNally. The McNally family sold the publishing company in 1997. A spokesperson for SRS confirmed it worked with the foundation, also known as GHF, but did not answer specific questions about ownership.
GHF, which resumed aid distribution on Thursday, did not respond to a request for comment. While Israel and the United States have both said they don’t finance the operation, they have pushed the United Nations and international aid groups to work with it, arguing that aid distributed by a long-established UN aid network was diverted to Hamas. Hamas has denied that. Israel blocked almost all aid into Gaza for 11 weeks until May 19, and has since only allowed limited deliveries in, mostly managed by the new GHF operation. This week GHF pressed Israel to boost civilian safety beyond the perimeter of its distribution sites after Gazan health officials said at least 27 Palestinians were killed and dozens wounded by Israeli fire near one of the food distribution sites on Tuesday, the third consecutive day of chaos and bloodshed to blight the aid operation. The Israeli military said its forces on Tuesday had opened fire on a group of people they viewed as a threat after they left a designated access route near the distribution center in Rafah. It said it was investigating what had happened. The U.N and most other aid groups have refused to work with GHF because they say it is not neutral and that the distribution model militarizes aid and forces displacement. SRS subcontracts with US private security firm UG Solutions, which provides armed US military veterans to guard the distribution sites and transportation of the aid, two sources familiar with the operations said. UG Solutions did not respond to a request for comment.
The SRS spokesperson said in a statement that under Reilly’s leadership, “SRS brings together a multidisciplinary team of experts in security, supply chain management, and humanitarian affairs.”McNally Capital has investments in defense contracting companies. Among the firms it acquired was Orbis Operations, a firm that specializes in hiring former CIA officers. Orbis did not return calls for comment. Reilly used to work for Orbis.

Israel won’t allow Freedom Flotilla Coalition’s Madleen to enter Gaza: Report
Al Arabiya English/05 June ,2025
The Israeli military will send a “direct message” to the sailing boat Madleen – operated by activist group Freedom Flotilla Coalition – to not enter Gaza, The Jerusalem post reported Thursday, citing unnamed military sources. The ship, which set out on Sunday from the Sicilian port of Catania in southern Italy, is on a mission to break Israel’s siege of the Gaza Strip. The Israeli military is reportedly preparing for its arrival by deploying troops in the area but a specific plan of action is yet to be determined, according to Israeli media. If those on board “defy orders or provoke” the Israeli army, they may be arrested and transferred to Ashdod port for their deportation. Elite Commando unit Shayetet 13 and a missile boat fleet are preparing for this scenario, The Jerusalem Post reported, citing military sources. Madleen is set to reach Gaza in the next few days. The ship is carrying humanitarian aid, including food and medicines. Climate campaigner Greta Thunberg and other 11 activists are on-board the Madleen. The crew includes “Game of Thrones” actor Liam Cunningham and Rima Hassan, a French member of the European Parliament who is of Palestinian descent. In mid-May, Israel slightly eased its blockade of Gaza after nearly three months, allowing a limited amount of humanitarian aid into the territory. Experts have warned that Gaza is at risk of famine if more aid is not brought in. UN agencies and major aid groups say Israeli restrictions, the breakdown of law and order, and widespread looting make it extremely difficult to deliver aid to Gaza’s roughly 2 million Palestinians. With The Associated Press

US sanctions four ICC judges, slams ‘politicized’ body for moves against Israel
Al Arabiya English/05 June ,2025
The Trump administration on Thursday announced sanctions against four judges from the International Criminal Court (ICC), accusing them of overstepping their authority in pursuing investigations against the United States and Israel.
“The ICC is politicized and falsely claims unfettered discretion to investigate, charge, and prosecute nationals of the United States and our allies,” Secretary of State Marco Rubio said in a statement. The sanctioned judges are Solomy Balungi Bossa of Uganda, Luz del Carmen Ibáñez Carranza of Peru, Reine Adelaide Sophie Alapini Gansou of Benin, and Beti Hohler of Slovenia. Their designation comes under an executive order signed by former President Donald Trump earlier this year. The ICC can prosecute individuals for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide of member states or by their nationals, but the US, China, Russia and Israel are not members. The top US diplomat accused the judges of being involved in ICC efforts to investigate, arrest, detain, or prosecute Americans and Israel “without consent” from either country. Rubio also said the ICC moves were a “dangerous assertion and abuse of power that infringes upon the sovereignty and national security of the United States and our allies, including Israel.”He called on other countries that support the ICC to “fight this disgraceful attack” on the US and Israel.

Trump attacks Musk as public feud escalates over tax-cut bill
Reuters/05 June ,2025
President Donald Trump lashed out on Thursday against his ally Elon Musk, saying he was “disappointed” by the billionaire’s public opposition to the sweeping tax-cut and spending bill that is at the heart of Trump’s agenda. “Look, Elon and I had a great relationship. I don’t know if we will anymore,” Trump said in the Oval Office, in his first direct response to Musk’s criticism. “He said the most beautiful things about me, and he hasn’t said bad about me personally, but I’m sure that’ll be next. But I’m, I’m very disappointed in Elon. I’ve helped Elon a lot.” Even as Trump was speaking, Tesla CEO Musk unleashed a series of critical responses on X, the social media site he owns.“Without me, Trump would have lost the election,” he wrote. “Such ingratitude.”Shares of electric vehicle maker Tesla were down 9 percent following the outbursts, to their lowest level since late February. The back-and-forth made it clear tensions had reached a boiling point between the world’s most powerful man and the world’s richest man, after weeks of speculation that they were headed for a clash of egos. Musk, whose other companies include rocket company and government contractor SpaceX and its satellite unit Starlink, spent nearly $300 million in the 2024 election in support of Trump and other Republican candidates. Starting on Tuesday, the tech executive unleashed a series of blistering attacks against what Trump calls his “big, beautiful bill.” Musk called it a “disgusting abominatio” that would deepen the federal deficit, amplifying a rift within the Republican Party that could threaten the bill’s prospects in the Senate. Nonpartisan analysts say the bill could add $2.4 trillion to $5 trillion to the nation’s $36.2 trillion in debt. Trump asserted that Musk’s complaints were motivated by the proposed elimination of consumer tax credits for electric vehicles.
Trump suggested that Musk was upset because he missed working for Trump, who gave Musk a praise-filled sendoff last week after the billionaire oversaw the president’s federal bureaucracy cost-cutting campaign. “He’s not the first,” Trump said. “People leave my administration ... then at some point they miss it so badly, and some of them embrace it and some of them actually become hostile.” Musk had signaled that he planned to step back from politics, saying last month he planned to substantially scale back his political spending. Friction between him and Trump could hurt Republicans’ chances of keeping control of Congress in the 2026 midterm elections.
‘Kill the bill’
Musk also wrote, “Slim Beautiful Bill for the win,” adding “KILL the BILL.” He followed that up by saying he was fine with Trump’s planned cuts to electric vehicle credits as long as Republicans rid the bill of “mountain of disgusting pork” or wasteful spending. Musk came into government with brash plans to cut $2 trillion from the federal budget. He left last week having cut only about half of 1 percent of total spending. Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency eliminated thousands of federal jobs and cut billions of dollars in foreign aid and other programs, causing disruption across federal agencies and fueling a wave of legal challenges. His increasing focus on politics provoked widespread protests at Tesla sites in the US and Europe, driving down sales and adding to investor concerns that Musk’s attention was too divided. In departing the administration, Musk made it clear he planned to focus more of his time on his business empire. Following Trump’s remarks, a White House official, speaking on background, underscored the shift in the once-close dynamic between Musk and Trump. “The president is making it clear: this White House is not beholden to Elon Musk on policy,” the official said. “By attacking the bill the way he did, Musk has clearly picked a side.”

Trump, Xi hold long-awaited phone call on trade war
AFP/05 June ,2025
US President Donald Trump held a long-awaited phone call with Chinese President Xi Jinping Thursday as the leaders of the world’s two biggest economies tried to avoid an all-out trade war. Trump said that the call reached a “very positive conclusion” and that they agreed to meet in person – but Beijing issued a more muted readout saying that Xi spoke of a need to “correct the course” of ties. The call – the first to be publicly announced since Trump returned to power in January – comes after Beijing and Washington had accused each other of jeopardizing a trade war truce agreed last month in Geneva.
“The call lasted approximately one and a half hours, and resulted in a very positive conclusion for both Countries,” Trump said on Truth Social, adding that US and Chinese trade teams would hold a new meeting “shortly.”
“President Xi graciously invited the First Lady and me to visit China, and I reciprocated. As Presidents of two Great Nations, this is something that we both look forward to doing,” Trump added. Trump said they would announce the time and place of the “soon to be meeting” later. The two leaders did not, however, discuss Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Trump said, despite long-standing US hopes that Beijing could exert influence on Moscow to end the war. “The conversation was focused almost entirely on TRADE,” said Trump, adding that they hoped to have resolved issues over crucial rare earth minerals used in tech products. Relations between superpower rivals Beijing and Washington have been fraught ever since Trump in April introduced sweeping worldwide tariffs that targeted China most heavily of all. At one point the United States hit China with additional levies of 145 percent on its goods as both sides engaged in tit-for-tat escalation. China’s countermeasures on US goods reached 125 percent. Trump had accused Xi as recently as Wednesday of being “extremely hard to make a deal with.”Chinese state media said Trump had requested the call. There was no immediate confirmation from the White House.
‘Correcting the course’
In its more restrained readout, Beijing said that relations needed more work. “Correcting the course of the big ship of Sino-US relations requires us to steer well and set the direction, especially to eliminate all kinds of interference and even destruction, which is particularly important,” Xi told Trump according to state news agency Xinhua. It said Xi told Trump he was welcome to visit China again – following an earlier visit during his first term in 2017. Until Thursday, the two leaders had not had any confirmed contact more than five months since the Republican returned to power, despite frequent claims by the US president that such a call was imminent. Trump said in a Time Magazine interview in April that Xi had called him – but Beijing insisted that there had been no call recently. Beijing and Washington agreed in Geneva last month to slash their staggeringly high tariffs for 90 days, but the two sides have since traded blame for derailing the deal. Trump argued last week that China had “totally violated” the agreement, without providing further details. China’s commerce ministry hit back this week, saying the Trump administration had since introduced “discriminatory restrictive measures,” including revoking Chinese student visas in the United States.
Trump then dialed up tensions this week.
“I like President XI of China, always have, and always will, but he is VERY TOUGH, AND EXTREMELY HARD TO MAKE A DEAL WITH!!!” he posted Wednesday on his Truth Social platform. Washington has meanwhile targeted Chinese nationals who entered the United States both legally and illegally, with the president vowing to aggressively revoke Chinese student visas. Trump has separately ramped up tensions with other trade partners, including the European Union, by vowing to double global tariffs on steel and aluminum to 50 percent from Wednesday.

The Latest English LCCC analysis & editorials from miscellaneous sources  on June 05-06/2025
An “Enrichment Consortium” Is No Panacea for the Iran Nuclear Dilemma
Richard Nephew, Patrick Clawson/The Washington Institute/June 05/2025
https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/enrichment-consortium-no-panacea-iran-nuclear-dilemma
The United States should recognize consortia concepts for what they are: face-saving steps rather than cure-alls for the nonproliferation problems created by Iran’s nuclear activities.
On May 31, U.S. negotiators reportedly presented Iran with a proposal for a regional “uranium enrichment consortium,” which authorities in Tehran have said they will seek more clarity on before the sixth round of nuclear negotiations scheduled for this weekend. It is no surprise that this idea is being contemplated now. Whenever talks begin to stall over Iran’s enrichment program, eyes tend to drift to consortium concepts as a way out of the impasse, based on the notion that adding an international dimension to the Iranian nuclear program will give everyone a bit of what they want. Yet such concepts have generally failed to get traction to date, and although a mutually satisfactory consortium may yet be structured as part of the current talks, the obstacles are legion.
Previous Consortium Efforts
Given the high costs and implicit proliferation risks of building nuclear infrastructure, countries have long explored consortia as a smart path. Perhaps the most effective long-term consortium is Urenco, a company created by Germany, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom in 1971. It has many operating uranium enrichment plants, including in the United States, and supplies a variety of consumers.
Iran was once a member of a similar consortium created around the same time: Eurodif, whose original partners were Belgium, France, Italy, Spain, and Sweden. In 1974, Sweden sold its 10 percent share to Iran, which then lent Eurodif $1 billion (and another $180 million after that) in return for a contract to receive enriched uranium (see below for more on this troubled arrangement). Later, facing financial troubles, Eurodif evolved into Orano, with France assuming 90.3 percent ownership and separate 4.8 percent stakes granted to Japan Nuclear Fuel Limited and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries.
In 2010, amid growing complaints from Iran and other countries about the lack of steady access to enriched uranium from foreign suppliers, the Nuclear Threat Initiative and American investor Warren Buffett contributed $50 million to establish an international consortium and provide a guaranteed stockpile of fuel for power reactors. In 2015, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and Kazakhstan agreed to set up this fuel bank, which became operational in 2021.
Problems with Existing Consortia Models
The many consortium ideas that have been proposed to deal with the Iran enrichment quandary can be grouped into three general categories:
Financial stake for services rendered. In this model, participants pay for a stake in a company, receive enriched uranium in return, but do not participate in all aspects of production. This means Iran would not be authorized to house enrichment facilities and/or other parts of the fuel cycle in its territory. It could also be excluded from the technological aspects of the program.
Split technical participation. In this model, consortium partners identify parts of the fuel production process to be done by each member and share the resulting product. For example, one member mines the uranium, another converts it into enrichable form, another produces the fuel, and yet another handles waste maintenance. Alternatively, certain members could handle more than one of these steps. In the current case, Iran would probably not be expected to mine uranium given its limited reserves of natural ore. Yet it could import ore from elsewhere and convert it to enrichable form (e.g., uranium hexafluoride gas), then transfer the material abroad for further processing.
Black-box operations. In this model, a country could house an enrichment facility but not be involved in the technological aspects of its work. Such a facility could be under foreign control and operation, as seen with Urenco’s plant in the United States, where Americans have no access to the technology used therein. Setting aside the legal issues that a company like Urenco might raise about others using its technology, both the Eurodif and Urenco cases show some of the complications and risks of following any of these consortium models. After all, it was from Urenco that A. Q. Khan—the father of the Pakistani nuclear bomb—stole the centrifuge designs that he subsequently provided to Iran and Libya, among others. Technology sharing is often a natural element of nuclear consortia, but it can also become a pernicious proliferation threat depending on the security arrangements and partners involved.
Although Eurodif did not create such proliferation risks, it is viewed as a cautionary tale of another sort. Despite investing over $1 billion, Iran never received its 10 percent share of low-enriched uranium (LEU) produced by the consortium. Lengthy court battles ensued, and France eventually agreed to repay Iran. Notably, this decision came one week after longtime Eurodif director Georges Besse was assassinated in November 1986 by terrorists who acknowledged they were acting at Iran’s behest. In the end, France did not actually pay Tehran until 1991.
To this day, Iranian officials allege that Eurodif withheld their uranium due to U.S. political pressure on France. They also claim they can never again rely exclusively on foreign fuel suppliers given that experience. Iran has signed contracts with the Russian firm Rosatom to provide LEU fuel for the power reactors at its Bushehr plant (one of which is operational, another is under construction, and a third is in advanced planning). Yet regime officials argue that their domestic enrichment program is a necessary backup for this Russian supply. They also seemingly hope to preserve the nuclear weapons option that a domestic enrichment program provides. As such, they are highly resistant to signing any deal that would reduce Iran’s role in the fuel cycle or make it a mere financier of enrichment abroad.
In contrast, the United States has previously refused to accept consortium concepts that involve large-scale enrichment inside Iran. Of course, the 2015 nuclear deal would have permitted Tehran to retain and expand its enrichment program after fifteen years, but only following a period of significant constraints.
These and other factors have left the two countries unable to find a viable consortium concept over the decades. Alternative concepts—like a Kazakh fuel supply bank under IAEA supervision—have likewise failed to convince Iran to turn off its centrifuges.
More broadly, there is no clear need for a new nuclear fuel consortium in the Middle East at present. Existing nuclear energy programs in the region are either too undeveloped to require more fuel or well covered by existing supply arrangements. Far from addressing a real shortage, a consortium would likely create more proliferation concerns.
Policy Recommendations
The United States can certainly continue exploring fuel consortia ideas with Iran toward the goal of finding a more comprehensive solution to the current deadlock. Yet it should do so with very clear red lines about what would constitute an acceptable nuclear deal.
For example, with or without a consortium, Washington should insist that Tehran be barred from receiving advanced centrifuge technology or other foreign technical support for its nuclear fuel program. Although the program has advanced significantly through Iran’s own efforts, any transferred know-how that helps the regime perfect the fuel cycle should be forbidden.  Moreover, the United States should make clear that it is the presence of these capabilities inside Iran that poses the threat, whether Iranian personnel and entities are involved in operating them or not. For example, Iranian commentators often mention converting the Natanz or Fordow site into an internationally operated fuel enrichment plant. Yet even if Tehran agreed to that idea, it would not change the fact that having any type of enrichment plant inside Iran creates a potential path to nuclear weapons. Using foreign workers and monitors would not change this reality. Even insisting on U.S. inspectors would not be a panacea, since they could conceivably be taken hostage and used as human shields if Tehran ever decides to head for a nuclear weapons breakout. Calling the arrangement a “nuclear power” consortium will not stop Iran from diverting capabilities to military use. In the end, the Trump administration may be prepared to accept a certain number of centrifuges in Iran as the price to be paid for reaching a deal, similar to the Obama administration’s calculus in 2015. If so, assessments of the number and quality of those centrifuges and associated nuclear equipment should be based on the assumption that Iran could later seize and use them as part of a breakout effort—regardless of whatever financial, political, or legal restrictions are placed on them, and regardless of who is initially placed in control of them. The same goes for any potential agreements on stockpiling nuclear material for deployment abroad. The risk evaluation process for such equipment and material should not be affected at all by consortium arrangements.
The same principles should apply to all transparency and monitoring measures designed and implemented by the IAEA to ensure that nuclear material and equipment are not diverted during the life of a deal. For instance, the 2015 deal included specific provisions related to monitoring centrifuge components and uranium in addition to the standard IAEA safeguards. The existence of a consortium arrangement should not be taken as license to set aside the sophisticated, rigorous work of IAEA inspectors, whose role will remain essential to any new agreement. In short, the United States should recognize consortia concepts for what they are: face-saving steps rather than cure-alls for the nonproliferation problems created by Iran’s nuclear activities.
**Richard Nephew is the Bernstein Adjunct Fellow at The Washington Institute and former deputy special envoy for Iran at the State Department. Patrick Clawson is the Institute’s Morningstar Senior Fellow and director of its Viterbi Program on Iran and U.S. Policy.

People must see themselves in the AI revolution
Ali Naqvi and Mohammed Al-Qarni/Arab News/June 05, 2025
President Donald Trump’s historic visit to Saudi Arabia was not merely another high-profile diplomatic stop. It was a signal, one that reverberates far beyond ceremonial pageantry or economic accords. With a sweeping agenda anchored in regional security and technological advancement, the visit marked a profound turning point: the introduction of artificial intelligence as a centerpiece in reimagining international alliances and national futures. As Saudi Arabia deepens its strategic commitment to AI, the spotlight now turns to a less discussed — yet far more consequential — question: Who truly owns the AI revolution?
For too long, the narrative has belonged to technologists. From Silicon Valley labs to national AI strategies, the story of AI has been told in the language of algorithms, architectures, and compute. And while the technical infrastructure is essential, we argue that such a narrow view of AI is not only incomplete, it is dangerous. When the American Institute of Artificial Intelligence and Quantum was launched in the US in 2016, the institutional landscape for AI was highly specialized. Data scientists, computer engineers, and mathematicians dominated the discourse. Policymakers and business leaders, overwhelmed by complexity, often stood at a distance. AI was regarded as something technical — a toolset, a model, an optimization system.
The same pattern is now emerging in Saudi Arabia and across the Gulf. Government agencies are in search of use cases. Consultants are offering solutions in search of problems. Infrastructure projects are underway to create sovereign large language models and national AI platforms. In these efforts, AI is often reduced to a software engineering challenge — or worse, a procurement exercise.
But this lens fails to capture the essence of the revolution underway. What’s at stake is not simply how nations compute. It’s how they think, organize, and act in a new age of machine cognition. We’ve long argued that AI cannot — and must not — be the exclusive domain of technologists. A true revolution occurs only when the masses engage. Just as the internet went mainstream not through protocols and standards, but through wide-scale adoption and imaginative use, AI must be demystified and integrated into the fabric of society.
It is neither feasible nor necessary to turn an entire nation into data scientists. We need a nation of informed leaders, innovators, teachers, managers, and citizens who can speak the language of AI, not in code, but in context.
This conviction led AIAIQ to become the world’s first applied AI institute focused not on producing more PhDs, but on educating professionals across sectors — from finance and healthcare to logistics and public service. Our mission was clear: to build a movement of AI adoption engineering, centered on human understanding, social responsibility, and economic impact. History has shown that every technological revolution requires more than invention. It requires meaning. When the automobile first arrived in America, it was met with skepticism. Roads were unprepared. Public opinion was divided. Without storytelling, explanation, and cultural adaptation, the car might have remained a niche novelty.
AI is no different, but the stakes are higher. Unlike past revolutions, AI directly threatens to reshape or eliminate jobs across virtually all sectors. It raises moral questions about decision-making, power, privacy, and the nature of intelligence itself. Without a serious effort to prepare populations, the result will be confusion, fear, and backlash.
Adoption is not just about teaching Python or TensorFlow. It is about building cognitive readiness in society — a collective ability to make sense of AI as a force that operates both with us and around us.
What’s at stake is not simply how nations compute. It’s how they think, organize, and act in a new age of machine cognition. AIAIQ’s work in the US, and now in the Kingdom, reflects this ethos. We don’t approach AI as a product to be sold. We approach it as a paradigm to be understood, negotiated, and lived. Over nearly a decade of pioneering applied AI education, we’ve identified four essential elements for ensuring that technological revolutions — especially this one — take root meaningfully within society.
People need help interpreting what AI actually is and how it is changing their world. It’s not just a black box; it’s a new kind of collaborator, a new model of thought.
Technologies cannot remain in labs or behind firewalls. They must be translated into the language and workflow of everyday people. Mass understanding is more vital than mass compute. Every revolution carries moral implications. If not carefully navigated, AI can create a deep dissonance between traditional societal values and new forms of digital governance. Above all, people must see themselves in the revolution. They must feel empowered to participate, to lead, and to shape what comes next.
Much has been made of “sovereign AI” — the ambition of nations to build homegrown LLMs and nationalized data infrastructure. Several Gulf nations are investing heavily in this vision. And yet, we caution: True sovereignty is not measured by the size of your datacenter, but by the sophistication of your human capital.You can localize your AI stack, but unless you cultivate a generation of researchers, engineers, business innovators, and public thinkers, your systems will be technologically impressive but strategically hollow. Sovereignty is about stewardship. That requires education, experimentation, and the freedom to adapt. As Saudi Arabia targets massive economic transformation, the challenge is not just to build smart systems, but to build a smart society that knows what to do with them.
President Trump’s visit, and the unprecedented alignment between American and Saudi priorities around AI, is not just symbolic. It marks a deeper shift in how global partnerships are defined. Oil once defined alliances. Now, intelligence — both human and machine — will. For the first time, nations are collaborating not to dominate territory, but to co-develop cognition. The tools may be digital, but the outcome will be profoundly human.
The alignment between global and local initiatives in Saudi Arabia represents a shared belief that the future is not only coded in silicon but shaped in classrooms, boardrooms, war rooms, and living rooms. The AI revolution is coming. But it must belong to the people. Otherwise, it will never become a revolution.
• Mohammed Al-Qarni is a leading voice in AI policy and governance in the Gulf and Ali Naqvi is the founder of the American Institute of Artificial Intelligence and Quantum.

Egypt’s cautious rapprochement with Iran
Dr. Abdellatif El-Menawy/Arab News/June 05, 2025
Egypt-Iran relations are undergoing a notable transformation after decades of tension and estrangement. Regional and international pressures are pushing both countries to reassess their political and strategic priorities. The repeated visits of Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi to Cairo — most recently early this week — signal the emergence of a new phase in the relationship, moving beyond the long-standing diplomatic freeze and toward a potential reshaping of influence dynamics in the region. Since diplomatic ties were severed in 1979 following Egypt’s peace treaty with Israel, Cairo and Tehran have found themselves on opposing sides of most regional issues. But in recent years, major shifts have occurred. The Chinese-brokered agreement between Iran and Saudi Arabia, the normalization of Iranian ties with the UAE and Turkiye’s increased openness to Tehran have softened the region’s traditional resistance to engaging Iran. As a result, one of the key constraints on Egypt’s Iran policy has largely dissipated.
Egypt faces overlapping domestic and external challenges: a deepening economic crisis, growing security threats in the Red Sea and a diminishing regional role in key conflicts like Yemen, Syria and Palestine. Iran, meanwhile, is under intense Western pressure over its nuclear program, while its influence in Syria and Lebanon is slowly eroding. It is actively seeking new pathways to reposition itself in the regional order. These converging dynamics have made rapprochement not only possible, but necessary — a strategic adjustment more than an ideological shift.
Direct engagement with Tehran could be a key to stabilizing one of Egypt’s most vital economic arteries. Araghchi’s latest visit to Cairo included meetings with President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi and Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty, as well as a tripartite meeting with the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency. The visit clearly went beyond symbolic diplomacy, delving into sensitive topics such as regional security, nuclear negotiations and the future of Gaza. The cultural dimension of the visit was equally significant. Araghchi toured Cairo’s historic Khan El-Khalili district and visited the Imam Hussein Mosque, which he has frequented during prior trips. These gestures reflected a broader Iranian desire to build not just diplomatic but also religious and cultural bridges with Egypt, reframing the relationship not as one between two rival states, but as one between two core civilizations in the Islamic world.
Security is at the forefront of the motivations behind this rapprochement. Egypt has suffered financial losses due to Houthi attacks on international shipping in the Red Sea, resulting in a sharp decline in Suez Canal revenues. Given Iran’s influence over the Houthis, direct engagement with Tehran could be a key to stabilizing one of Egypt’s most vital economic arteries. Economic concerns also play a central role. Under Western sanctions, Iran is searching for new trade partners. Egypt, in the midst of its own economic hardship, could benefit from Iranian energy (transferred via Iraq) and expanded trade, assuming restrictions on Iran are eased. Strategically, Egypt is looking to reassert its role as a regional mediator, especially due to its reduced influence in the Syrian and Yemeni files. Engaging Iran offers an opportunity to reaffirm Cairo’s independent foreign policy and reestablish a strategic presence in the evolving regional order. The Gaza conflict further increases the necessity of alignment between regional powers. Iran maintains ties with key Palestinian factions, while Egypt plays the principal role in mediation. Coordination between the two is becoming increasingly vital. This rapprochement is not a sudden development but a calculated response to a shifting geopolitical landscape.
Despite this momentum, Egypt remains cautious. The restoration of full diplomatic relations has not been announced and the two countries continue to operate through interests sections. Cairo is taking a step-by-step approach. This caution stems from multiple considerations. Egypt’s close relations with the US, Israel and the Gulf require a delicate balancing act. A too-rapid rapprochement with Iran could jeopardize these strategic alliances. Arab public opinion remains wary of Iran’s actions in Syria, Lebanon and Yemen. Egypt is also concerned about the potential for Iran to export its ideology through nonstate actors, especially in fragile Arab states. Looking ahead, the outlook is positive but conditional. Both sides have expressed interest in launching a structured political dialogue and expanding cooperation in areas such as trade, energy and tourism. Should nuclear negotiations lead to the lifting of sanctions on Iran, Egypt could benefit from Iranian oil via Iraq and strengthen the role of the Suez Canal as a primary route for energy exports. Iran, for its part, sees value in cultivating a nonaligned partner like Egypt, one that is capable of balancing Tehran’s relationships with the Gulf, Turkiye and Israel.
This rapprochement is not a sudden development but a calculated response to a shifting geopolitical landscape. Iran can no longer afford to ignore Egypt in its regional calculus and Egypt cannot rebuild its regional weight without engaging all relevant players, including Tehran. As traditional alliances falter and new power structures emerge, Cairo and Tehran appear to be cautiously preparing to open a new chapter. Their relationship will be shaped by pragmatism and guided by mutual interest. If no major disruptions occur, this evolving partnership could reshape the political balance of the Middle East for years to come.
**Dr. Abdellatif El-Menawy has covered conflicts worldwide. X: @ALMenawy

Decarbonization at a crossroads
Dr. John Sfakianakis/Arab News/June 05, 2025
The global race toward decarbonization is accelerating, as more than 140 countries — collectively responsible for nearly 90 percent of global gross domestic product and emissions — have committed to achieving net-zero carbon emissions by mid-century. But the pathways, mechanisms and economic implications of this transformation remain deeply uneven. Nowhere is this asymmetry more visible than in sectors like shipping, aviation and road transport, where the pace of regulatory ambition often surpasses the realities of technological readiness. Shipping, in particular, has become an unlikely but prominent target of international climate policy. Despite being the most carbon-efficient mode of freight transport, the sector finds itself grappling with mounting compliance burdens, volatile market mechanisms and infrastructure gaps. This is a paradox that risks not only penalizing efficiency but also distorting the logic of global trade. Since January 2024, the EU has incorporated maritime emissions into its Emissions Trading System — a monumental shift in regulatory design. Vessels calling at EU ports must now purchase allowances covering 40 percent of their verified carbon dioxide emissions, a share that will rise to 70 percent in 2025 and 100 percent by 2026. With carbon prices hovering around €70 ($79) per tonne, the cost implications are profound.
A typical large container ship, emitting approximately 60,000 tonnes of carbon dioxide annually on EU routes, could face annual carbon costs exceeding €5 million by 2026. This is in addition to already elevated fuel prices, retrofitting expenses and evolving port compliance mandates. The intent — to catalyze decarbonization — is valid. But the execution, absent global harmonization, risks regulatory fragmentation and competitive distortions.
Meanwhile, the International Maritime Organization has set its own benchmark: net-zero emissions by 2050, with a 40 percent reduction in carbon intensity targeted by 2030. These goals necessitate a seismic shift toward alternative fuels such as green methanol and ammonia. Yet these fuels remain commercially scarce and up to four times more expensive than conventional options. Retrofitting a single vessel can cost between $5 million and $15 million, with uncertain payback periods. Infrastructure for alternative fuels remains embryonic, particularly across the Global South.
Other transport sectors face analogous dilemmas. Aviation is constrained by the Carbon Offsetting and Reduction Scheme for International Aviation, which seeks to cap emissions at 2019 levels through offsets. Meanwhile, the electric vehicle transition — long hailed as a panacea for road transport emissions — is encountering both technological and geopolitical headwinds. Policymakers in the US, the EU and the UK are quietly scaling back EV adoption targets, deferring internal combustion engine phase-outs and acknowledging the upstream carbon footprint of battery manufacturing. Lithium, cobalt and nickel — key inputs for EV batteries — are extracted through processes that are carbon-intensive and often ethically questionable.
The gap between ambition and execution is widening. Global energy-related carbon dioxide emissions reached a record 37.4 billion tonnes in 2023. This raises an uncomfortable question: Are we genuinely decarbonizing or merely engaging in high-cost carbon arbitrage?
Data from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s International Transport Forum provides a clarifying contrast: maritime shipping emits just 3 to 7 grams of carbon dioxide per tonne-kilometer, compared to 62 grams for road freight and more than 500 grams for air cargo. Maritime shipping is nearly 10 times more carbon-efficient than trucking and 70 times more efficient than aviation. Yet, instead of being recognized for this intrinsic efficiency, the shipping industry is being subjected to regulations that fail to appreciate these comparative advantages.
According to the World Shipping Council, maritime transport accounts for just 2.9 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions — far less than road transport (18 percent) but slightly more than aviation (2.5 percent). Approximately 80 percent of global freight by volume is transported by sea, while road transport accounts for about 18 percent of global freight by volume. Given this indispensable role in global trade, burdening shipping with disproportionately stringent regulations could have cascading effects: distorting supply chains, inflating consumer prices and exacerbating inequities in the developing world.
The shipping industry is being subjected to regulations that fail to appreciate its comparative advantages
Carbon markets, originally designed to promote innovation and cost-efficiency, have devolved into volatile and fragmented systems. Voluntary carbon credit prices range from $1 to $20 per tonne, with wide disparities in quality and credibility. Studies suggest that up to 90 percent of forestry-based credits may not represent genuine emissions reductions. This erodes trust and incentivizes financial engineering over physical decarbonization.
Moreover, oil prices — adjusted for inflation — have declined in real terms. Brent crude averaged $73 per barrel in 2024, a far cry from its 2008 peak of $140, which would translate to approximately $210 in 2025 dollars. Yet, despite this relative affordability, shipping costs have surged. McKinsey estimates that environmental compliance alone has pushed shipping costs nearly 30 percent above pre-pandemic levels. This adds pressure on thin operating margins and complicates investment in cleaner technologies.
Biofuels offer only a partial remedy. Sustainable aviation fuel can reduce lifecycle emissions by up to 80 percent, but it accounted for just 0.3 percent of global aviation fuel use in 2024. Marine biofuels suffer from similar bottlenecks: limited production, high prices and sustainability concerns over feedstocks. Poorly regulated biofuel mandates could inadvertently aggravate land-use conflicts and food insecurity.
The global decarbonization agenda must reconcile environmental ambition with economic realism and technological maturity. Policy frameworks must reward — not penalize — sectors that are already outperforming in carbon efficiency. Maritime transport, while imperfect, remains the most optimized vector for global trade on a per-tonne basis. Overregulating it will not only raise costs but may also displace emissions to less efficient modes of transport.
One-size-fits-all policies risk undermining the very goals they aim to achieve. Effective climate governance must be technologically agnostic, geographically equitable and economically rational. Transitioning to a low-carbon economy will require time, capital and compromise. While shipping may not achieve net-zero emissions overnight, it stands as a critical enabler of the broader decarbonization of global commerce.
To portray the shipping industry as a climate laggard is to misjudge both its current contributions and its untapped potential for driving long-term decarbonization. At the same time, the industry would benefit from forging a more cohesive voice — ideally through the establishment of a dedicated global institution, strategically situated in Athens, London and Riyadh — to more effectively champion its indispensable role in shaping a sustainable global trade regime.
• Dr. John Sfakianakis is Chief Economist at the Gulf Research Center and Chief Global Strategist at the Paratus Group.

Sudan’s collapsing healthcare system a global emergency
Dr. Majid Rafizadeh/Arab News/June 05, 2025
Sudan is currently grappling with one of the worst humanitarian and public health crises in the world, as its healthcare system is collapsing under the weight of ongoing civil conflict.
The war, which erupted in April 2023 between the Sudanese Armed Forces and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, has inflicted immense damage on the country’s medical infrastructure. Over the past two years, the violence has destroyed more than 250 hospitals and healthcare facilities, either through direct bombardment or looting. At least 60 percent of pharmacies and medical warehouses have been looted, burned or rendered inoperable.
Medical professionals have fled or been killed and those who remain are often targeted or are unable to safely reach their workplaces. Basic medical supplies, electricity, clean water and fuel are scarce or nonexistent in many parts of the country. The breakdown of health services has not only left millions without access to essential care but has also created ideal conditions for deadly disease outbreaks to spread unchecked.
Amid this destruction, the World Health Organization and the UN have raised alarms about the spiraling health emergency. Sudan now faces simultaneous outbreaks of cholera, malaria, measles and dengue, diseases that are being exacerbated by the collapse of sanitation systems, unsafe water sources and overcrowded refugee camps.
More than 20 million people — almost half the country’s population — are in urgent need of medical care. Immunization campaigns have been halted and the absence of preventive medicine has led to the rapid reemergence of diseases once under control. The WHO has recorded at least 156 attacks on healthcare workers and facilities since the war began and these attacks continue to impede even the most basic humanitarian responses.
The UN has called Sudan one of the world’s largest and most-neglected emergencies, noting that more than 12.4 million people have been displaced and famine is either present or imminent in several areas. Children are especially vulnerable: millions face severe malnutrition, lack access to medical care and are increasingly at risk of exploitation, trafficking and death.
If this crisis continues without immediate intervention, Sudan faces an impending humanitarian catastrophe that will have devastating consequences for its people for generations to come. The complete collapse of the healthcare system means that diseases will spread without resistance, maternal and infant mortality will surge and chronic illnesses will go untreated. With hospitals destroyed and doctors in hiding or exiled, even the simplest medical emergencies can become fatal.
With hospitals destroyed and doctors in hiding or exiled, even the simplest medical emergencies can become fatal
The loss of educational and training institutions also means that rebuilding the health sector will take decades, even under optimal conditions. Famine, disease and the psychological trauma of war are already corroding the foundations of society, deepening poverty and dismantling any remaining trust in institutions. If the fighting persists, the country could be left with an entire generation deprived not only of healthcare, but of security, education and hope. The consequences of the collapse of Sudan’s healthcare system will not remain contained within its borders. The conflict has already displaced more than 3.3 million people into neighboring countries such as Chad, South Sudan, Egypt, Ethiopia and the Central African Republic. These nations, already burdened with fragile health systems and limited resources, are now under immense strain as they attempt to care for large numbers of malnourished and sick refugees.
Infectious diseases like cholera, which thrive in overcrowded and unsanitary conditions, pose a serious threat to regional public health. The breakdown in immunization coverage could result in the cross-border spread of measles and polio, undermining years of health progress in the region. Moreover, the protracted instability in Sudan risks destabilizing the entire Horn of Africa, a region already vulnerable to political fragmentation, insurgency and environmental stress.
The global implications of Sudan’s health emergency are equally urgent. The ongoing collapse of Sudan’s health system and the humanitarian vacuum it creates serve as a dire warning about the fragility of global health security. As we have seen with past pandemics and regional crises, diseases that emerge or expand in one part of the world can quickly spread beyond borders, especially when response efforts are delayed or under-resourced.
Moreover, the normalization of attacks on healthcare workers and facilities during armed conflict threatens the sanctity of international humanitarian law. If such violations continue with impunity in Sudan, they could set a precedent for future conflicts, eroding the principles that protect civilians and aid workers globally. The lack of a coordinated international response not only reflects a failure of political will, it also undermines collective commitments to global health and human rights.
What is urgently needed is a decisive, coordinated and sustained international response. The first and most pressing step is the implementation of an immediate ceasefire. This would allow for the safe establishment of humanitarian and health corridors — zones where aid organizations can deliver medical supplies, provide vaccinations and treat the wounded without threat of violence. These corridors are essential for saving lives in the short term, especially in regions that have been cut off from aid for months.
The UN, the WHO, Doctors Without Borders and other agencies require not only funding but also guaranteed security to operate effectively. Immediate airlifts of medicine, surgical equipment, vaccines and food must be prioritized. Equally important is the political pressure on both warring factions to cease attacks on healthcare infrastructure, in accordance with international humanitarian law.
Beyond these urgent interventions, the international community must work in collaboration with the African Union, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development and key regional actors to forge a pathway toward a permanent ceasefire and political resolution.
This includes building upon the Jeddah Declaration, which was signed in May 2023 under the auspices of the US and Saudi Arabia. The declaration outlined commitments by both warring parties to protect civilians, allow humanitarian access and refrain from targeting civilian infrastructure. Though the declaration has largely been violated, it remains one of the few frameworks for negotiation that has gained international recognition. Revitalizing the Jeddah process, expanding the number of mediating parties and ensuring local community representation are vital steps toward lasting peace. Without a stable political solution, humanitarian aid alone will never be sufficient. In conclusion, Sudan’s health crisis has reached a catastrophic stage and the situation demands the world’s immediate and undivided attention. The country’s healthcare system is not merely under stress — it is actively disintegrating. Millions are at risk of dying not only from bullets and bombs but from preventable diseases and starvation. The consequences of inaction will reverberate far beyond Sudan’s borders, threatening regional health, stability and security. The international community must act now — decisively and urgently — to implement a ceasefire, open health corridors and reengage in meaningful diplomacy. Failure to do so will not only doom millions in Sudan but will mark yet another tragic instance of global neglect in the face of a preventable disaster.
• Dr. Majid Rafizadeh is a Harvard-educated Iranian American political scientist. X: @Dr_Rafizadeh

Will the new era in space be one of rivalry?
Khaled Abou Zahr/Arab News/June 05, 2025
In five years’ time, the International Space Station will be retired. This symbol of peaceful collaboration is set to exit space at a time of increased and convergent geopolitical and technological competition on Earth. In uninterrupted operation for more than two decades, the space station has hosted thousands of scientific experiments in microgravity and welcomed 250 astronauts from 20 nations. A joint project between the US’ NASA, Russia’s Roscosmos, the European Space Agency, the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency and the Canadian Space Agency, it included participation from 15 countries.
Needless to say, the world and space are today heading in a different direction. What will space look like in five years? What will Earth’s geopolitics look like in five years? Will there be the same opportunities for collaboration in research and science in space? The answers are starting to unfold and, noting the importance of space in terms of global communications and intelligence, we are noticing the erasure of commercialization within the space sector. In short, it is back to single-use and not even dual-use.
Today, the only country ready for the post-International Space Station era is China. The Tiangong space station, which has been fully functioning since late 2022, is a significant step in China’s ascent to prominence as a global space power. Tiangong is, for now, composed of three modules: the Tianhe core module and two laboratories, Wentian and Mengtian. Just like the International Space Station, it orbits Earth at a distance of about 400 km.
It can support more than 100 scientific studies, ranging from biology to materials science, while three astronauts are hosted at a time on six-month rotations. The plan is to expand the station to six modules. This would mean doubling its current size. Despite repeated delays, China also plans to launch the Xuntian space telescope, which will orbit alongside Tiangong and periodically dock for maintenance. This means China is establishing a self-sufficient infrastructure.
Sun Zhibin, of the National Space Science Centre in Beijing, last week said China is creating a rapid-response space defense system to detect and drive away suspect spacecraft. It aims to use a tiny robotic thruster to grab hold of unknown objects and propel them away from the Tiangong space station or other vital space equipment. There is no doubt this could also play an offensive role.
So, where does that leave the rest of the world? What is the US’ post-space station plan? What is Europe’s?
There are several private American companies working on what are defined as commercial space stations. Axiom Space is creating a modular station that will initially be attached to the International Space Station, before aiming for independent operation by 2031 with a focus on research, manufacturing and tourism.
The Tiangong space station is a significant step in China’s ascent to prominence as a global space power
NanoRacks, under the Starlab project alongside Voyager Space and Lockheed Martin, plans a free-flying station dedicated to science and industrial applications, targeted for launch in 2028. And Blue Origin, alongside Sierra Space and Boeing, is developing the Orbital Reef station, envisioned as a mixed-use space “business park” supporting research, manufacturing and tourism. With a modular design, it is expected to be operational by 2030. More recently, Vast has announced its plans for Haven-1, the first commercial space station, which is set for launch in 2026. It will support short missions with high-speed internet connectivity via Starlink.
The big issues are whether these companies will be able to deliver on time and whether the projects will be financially successful. Some have already faced issues.
These space station projects are supported by NASA’s goal of transitioning low Earth orbit activities to the private sector. Yet, we need to be realistic. While it is clear that China’s approach is more state-led and centralized, all these private companies are dependent on government contracts. More than 75 percent of the revenues for space hardware, or what are known as upstream companies, are generated by space agencies, ministries of defense and intelligence services. The competition certainly allows for better pressure on deliverables and prices, but the source is ultimately the same: government.
Axiom Space has raised more than $505 million in private funding, including a $350 million Series-C round in 2023. Additionally, the company has secured more than $2.2 billion in customer contracts, mainly from government entities. In 2021, NanoRacks was awarded a NASA contract worth $160 million through the Commercial Low-Earth Orbit Destinations program to support the development of Starlab. Blue Origin was also awarded $130 million by NASA. China, meanwhile, benefits from its purchasing power parity, which multiplies its achievements as companies burn cash.
With the way geopolitics is evolving on Earth, one can expect that these space stations will serve more than just science. Satellites have a critical role in modern defense for secure communications, surveillance and navigation, as well as acting as early warning systems. Space-based assets are also vital in conflict scenarios. Their importance has been clear in the war in Ukraine, where satellite imagery and communications have proved decisive on the battlefield, especially with drones.
This confirms that space has become a battle domain as crucial as land, sea, air and cyber. Hence, there is a need for both defending against and developing capabilities to disrupt or disable adversaries’ satellites through cyberattacks, jamming or even antisatellite weapons. This is essential for deterrence.
Recently analyzed swabs taken in May 2023 found an unknown bacterium, Niallia tiangongensis, aboard China’s Tiangong station. Similar microbial challenges have been faced on the International Space Station, where strains like Acinetobacter pittii have shown signs of antibiotic resistance. This highlights the shared responsibility to manage risks as both national and commercial space habitats expand. Rather than competing in isolation, nations and private companies may find that collaboration on biosecurity and research offers some common ground.
• Khaled Abou Zahr is the founder of SpaceQuest Ventures, a space-focused investment platform. He is CEO of EurabiaMedia and editor of Al-Watan Al-Arabi.