Iraqi Columnist: Why Aren’t Muslim Clerics Calling For Jihad Against ISIS/Iraq’s government, society struggle with widespread bribery/Guests of God’ pay high price

Guests of God’ pay high price
Madawi Al-Rasheed/Al-Monitor/September 14, 2015
Trouble seems to have found this year’s pilgrimage to Mecca before the season even started. On Sept. 11, a huge crane being used in the ongoing expansion of the Mecca precinct collapsed, killing more than 100 pilgrims and injuring many others. The tragedy was so catastrophic that King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud, custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, promised a full investigation and visited the site of the accident and the injured. Like many other accidents in the past, this disaster brought to attention the contested nature of Saudi control over the holiest site of Islam.The Saudi leadership boasts about its efforts to welcome the pilgrims and expand the area where they can perform their annual ritual, the quality of the health services it offers and, most important, the safety and security of pilgrims.
However, the moment a Muslim decides to make the pilgrimage, he is at the mercy of the commercialization of this religious duty. From visa fees imposed by the Saudi government to transportation and accommodation charges, pilgrims are a source of income to both the Saudi government and service providers. The Saudi government prefers to call pilgrims “guests of God,” but these guests pay a high price. It takes some Muslims a lifetime to save for this important journey; many may never have enough resources to make it. Others can be banned for political reasons. A Saudi micro-economy has flourished around the annual pilgrimage, but that is often overlooked when the Saudi leadership boasts about its services to pilgrims. From small hotel owners to global chains owned by entrepreneur princes such as Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, revenues from the pilgrimage have always been an important source of income.
The Saudi leadership has also used the pretext of expanding the Mecca site to confiscate land around the precinct, annex property with little compensation and erect imposing buildings such as high-rise royal palaces. The horizontal expansion of the Grand Mosque to allow for more than 2 million visitors has been marred by vertical royal residences and luxury hotels, all beyond the reach of ordinary Muslims, the majority of whom can only afford shelter in specially erected tents.
The commercialization of the pilgrimage — some would say the vulgarization — is compounded by another hot-button issue, namely Saudi control of the sequence of pilgrimage rituals to make them conform to the Wahhabi version. This has remained problematic given the diversity of Muslims, their sects and their folk religious traditions. The Saudi government also prohibits the observance of certain traditions during the pilgrimage season. For example, some pilgrims are not allowed to visit graveyards where the companions of the prophet were buried in Medina, the second holy city, or to chant or use drums. A pilgrim is expected to perform the ritual in a somber way, regardless of his background or religious sect. Shiites in particular have been affected by these restrictions. In the past, clashes were common between them and Saudi police as Shiites tried to visit the tombs of their revered imams.
The inability of Saudi authorities to accommodate religious diversity is not the only contested issue that antagonizes many Muslims. Saudi Arabia does not like politicized gatherings in public places. For example, the government severely punishes anyone calling for demonstrations, which are banned anyway. So the authorities are paranoid about pilgrims who may use the occasion to raise political issues or incite others to act on these issues. In the past, this controversy has brought Saudi Arabia into conflict with Iran, whose pilgrims wanted to turn the religious occasion into a political rally in 1987 during the Iran-Iraq War.
Political conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran over the last three decades crept into the pilgrimage season, with Saudis constantly warning all Muslims against using the occasion to voice political views. But this year, Saudi Arabia has many other conflicts to worry about that might erupt during the annual pilgrimage. Saudi Arabia has antagonized not only Shiites but other Muslims as a result of its aggressive foreign policy following the Arab uprisings in 2010.
From the Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt and its affiliates around the Arab world who resented Saudi support for military rule in Egypt to Yemenis who have suffered massive civilian deaths after more than six months of Saudi bombing of their cities, Saudi Arabia is no longer the all-encompassing reconciliatory Muslim power that it claims to be. While the growing sectarianism currently sweeping the region cannot be entirely blamed on Saudi political and religious policies, Saudi Arabia has contributed to the increasing polarization, especially between Sunnis and Shiites. Under the pretext of curbing Iranian influence in the Arabian Peninsula, the ongoing Saudi war in Yemen has yet to bring peace to that poor country. In Syria, Saudi support for various rebel groups over the past four years has yielded more controversy than solutions. It has certainly made political solutions a remote possibility and resulted in the exodus of millions of Syrian refugees whom Gulf countries are not prepared to welcome.
There also remains the Islamic State and al-Qaeda, which both openly detest and denounce the Saudi regime and dub it ungodly. Lately, they have been less vocal in their attacks on the regime, possibly as they are content with the Saudi military campaign in Yemen, which is bound to coincide with their own interest to eradicate the Shiites. Predecessors of these contemporary movements used the pilgrimage season to challenge the Saudi regime in 1979, when a group led by Juhayman al-Otaibi and Mohammad al-Qahtani, both militant Saudi radicals, seized the Grand Mosque and held many pilgrims as hostages. Current Saudi jihadis have not attacked the regime or its institutions, but instead have focused their suicide bombings on Shiite places of worship since the beginning of 2015. It remains to be seen whether they will turn their attention to attacking the regime itself.
The Saudis need to be extra vigilant this year to prevent another tragedy — one that might not be attributable to corrupt construction companies or weather conditions. Serving Muslims, as the Saudi leadership claims is its goal, involves greater responsibility to solve urgent political problems rather than fueling schisms and hatred between those Muslims. The partisan politics of the Saudi regime will only further the polarization that unfolds during the most important ritual in Islam, the hajj.
**Dr. Madawi Al-Rasheed is a visiting professor at the Middle East Centre at the London School of Economics and Political Science as well as a columnist for Al-Monitor’s Gulf Pulse. She has written extensively about the Arabian Peninsula, Arab migration, globalization, religious transnationalism and gender.

Iraq’s government, society struggle with widespread bribery
Wassim Bassem/Al-Monitor/September 14/15
BABIL, Iraq — With shocking innocence, Ali al-Sultani from Babil, a city 100 kilometers (62 miles) south of Baghdad, told Al-Monitor what he does to have official documents dealt with in state agencies. “I often carry large sums of money and hand them over to employees in the state agencies, where I go to take care of my affairs such as transferring the ownership of a property, obtaining civil status cards for my children or amending their school grades,” Sultani said. Sultani does not consider what he is doing “bribery,” but described it as “a token of gratitude for the employee who gives me special assistance.”
Bribery is considered morally wrong in Iraq, and it is against the law and social and religious norms. For this reason, the word “bribery” is often replaced with less offensive terms that legitimize the act. Sociologist Ali al-Khafaji told Al-Monitor, “Bribery has become commonplace in Iraq, and it is covered up with justifications or special arrangements.” He added, “Many Iraqis have grown accustomed to visiting a [state agency] employee at home or in an agreed-upon place to give him a commission for expediting an administrative procedure and overcoming legal obstacles.”
Another Babil resident told Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity, “I got my driver’s license while sitting at home, after paying $600 to an employee in the traffic police department.”
The Commission of Integrity confirmed the extent to which bribery is present in Iraqi state agencies in a statement it issued Feb. 1: “Offices in Baghdad that issue driver’s licenses top the list of bribed parties. There are indications of bribery in all state agencies, and these acts exceed 3% of the [regular] administrative transactions.” To test the phenomenon of bribery, Al-Monitor met with a retired employee who was willing to help in obtaining a passport; he asked for $400 to “spare us the hassle of waiting for months as well as the trouble of [filling out] papers.”Journalist Alaa Kouly told Al-Monitor, “Bribery has become the key element of state transactions, and it no longer has a social stigma [attached to it] or is considered a misdemeanor. In his opinion, this is due to a lack of “legal accountability.” He said, “Everyone is bribed, even security men and legal officials who are supposed to fight this phenomenon.”
Political analyst and writer Ali Mared al-Assadi told Al-Monitor, “Bribery has become a part of general culture in Iraq, although the term is replaced by others such as ‘gift’ or ‘contribution.’ Not many people condemn it or refrain from engaging in it, especially after 1990 when [state agency] employees’ salaries plunged following the war with Kuwait and the economic blockade on Iraq during the 1990s.”
On the one hand, employees and officials abuse their political positions and employment to make money illegally. On the other, citizens are pressed and resort to bribery to get paperwork done quickly. What other option does a citizen whose legal papers require the signature of a state employee have?
Bribery is rampant in all state agencies, including the real estate department. Said Hasan, a teacher in Babil, told Al-Monitor, “I had to bribe an employee at the real estate department to complete a legal transaction of a property I bought.”A report issued by the Commission of Integrity on Dec. 5, 2014, stated, “The General Commission for Taxes in Najaf tops the list of most bribed departments in Iraq.”Perhaps bribery is not a new practice in Iraqi society and the Arab world, and it was a reason behind the Arab Spring revolutions; but in recent years, it has turned into a widespread phenomenon. Civil and media activist Hasanein Ali told Al-Monitor, “It [bribery] is a disease plaguing Iraqi society’s structure. It has even reached [the level of] the medical secretaries in private clinics. It is enough to offer a sum of money to move up a doctor’s appointment and avoid the long waitlist.”For his part, Ali said, “It can only be eradicated by educating and raising a new generation that thrives on human moral values.”
Cleric Muhammad al-Yasiri from Babil told Al-Monitor, “The role of religion in society must be fostered to fight bribery and corruption.” Yasiri called on preachers in mosques to “cooperate with the citizens and reiterate that God has forbidden this vice that leads to the downfall of society.”
He said, “Bribery in Islam is one of the great vices, and whoever practices it is cursed by God.”Moreover, Iraqi Penal Code 111 punishes those charged with bribery with up to 10 years in prison. Since Aug. 9, protesters have taken to the street to condemn the corrupt politicians and government officials. Civil activist and writer Hadi al-Husseini told Al-Monitor, “These protests will not eliminate corruption — mainly bribery — because everyone is practicing these acts. At the forefront are high-level officials who buy and sell in their ministerial or otherwise important positions.” What do Iraqis want then? In principle, they want improvement of their livelihoods, implementation of social justice, resumption of political reform and accountability of those who bribe. This will constitute the first steps to eliminate bribery, which has become rampant in Iraqi society, where the strong prey on the weak.
*Wassim Bassem is an Iraqi journalist who tracks social phenomena in investigations and reports for various media outlets, including Al-Esbuyia, Bab Nour and Elaph.

Iraqi Columnist: Why Aren’t Muslim Clerics Calling For Jihad Against ISIS?
MEMRI/September 15, 2015 Special Dispatch No.6159
In his July 9, 2015 column, titled “Why Won’t They Declare Jihad Against ISIS? Secularists and Infidels Are More Zealous for Islam than the Sheikhs,” in the Arabic internet daily Raialyoum.com, Kurdish-Iraqi columnist Anas Mahmoud Al-Sheikh Mazhar harshly criticized Muslim clerics for their apathy and silence in the face of ISIS and its actions, and wondered whether they should not declare jihad and struggle against the organization in light of the dangers it posed. He added that Muslim clerics should be ashamed of themselves, particularly considering that foreign politicians and armies have rushed to defend Islam from ISIS. The following are excerpts from his column:[1]
Anas Mahmoud Al-Sheikh Mazhar (Source: Facebook.com, May 16, 2015)
The Muslim Clerics’ Silence In Face Of ISIS Actions Is Incomprehensible
“In the past, we were accustomed to seeing clerics ascend to mosque pulpits and launch their lofty sermons with attacks on the mistaken policies and actions of the politicians in their countries… All the preacher had to do was to raise his voice and shout, and the worshippers and listeners would moan and cry ‘Allah Akbar’ after every word emerging from his throat. Thus, the measure of a preacher’s skill was his ability to attack government policy. Preachers would compete vigorously amongst each other, and the leading mosques were those that frequently dealt with politics and attacked [politicians].
“This ‘fashion’ continued until ISIS emerged and took over large swaths of the [Middle East] region. Then, as though ordained by fate, these voices fell silent. Their interest in politics waned, and religious matters took up more of their sermons – and not only in the mosques. The clerics and preachers filling the TV channels [also] dealt mainly with the life and times of the Prophet [Muhammad], with religious laws and affairs, and with questions concerning the afterlife and its horrors, to the point where viewers must have felt that they were living in an entirely different world.
“In light of the circumstances in the region, and in light of the plot against Islam being carried out by extremist organizations that have twisted this tolerant religion and replaced it with one consumed by murder, slaughter, floggings, and chopping off of hands, we see Islam’s sheikhs and clerics living in enviable peace and complacency, paying no heed to the perplexed Muslims, who by now are confused about their faith and no longer know right from wrong. “How can clerics who consider themselves zealous about their religion remain silent as the grave, in light of the events in the region and the acts against Islam that these organizations are committing? Could it be that we are wrong and that the true Islam is the one that ISIS preaches? If this is Islam, why be ashamed to admit it[?] And if it is not, why are they refraining from telling the truth?
“Some may say that most Muslim clerics have expressed anti-ISIS positions. This is true, but can such a grave problem be addressed merely with [weak] verbal opposition, without a serious and determined stand that reflects this opposition? We have seen clerics conduct major popular campaigns against matters that are trivial, to say the least, and devote all their time and resources to [these matters]. But faced with the problem of twisting the religion, they settle for [mere] verbal objections, and provide them only when directly asked to do so.
“It is strange that some of the ‘sheikhs of Islam’ encouraged the Arab peoples’ enthusiasm to topple their rulers during the Arab Spring – issuing fatwas calling for jihad against them, even though the Arab rulers’ crimes did not compare to despicable crimes of ISIS. Over the decades [of their rule,] tyrannical Arab regimes did not distort Islam the way ISIS has over the past three years. It is also strange that some sheikhs were enraged when the Muslim Brotherhood regime in Egypt was ousted, since it is at best a political group or faction. These sheikhs described those who made this change [the ouster of the Muslim Brotherhood regime] as infidels who have left Islam, and even incited the Egyptian people against their new government and declared jihad against it – yet they are silent in light of the actions of these terrorist organizations who are trying to topple Islam as a religion, not just some party or group. Doesn’t the danger posed by ISIS require them to declare jihad against it?”
Shame On You For Remaining Silent In Light Of The Dangers Of ISIS – While “Infidels” Protect Us
“There are three possible explanations for their silence in light of the phenomenon and behavior of ISIS:
“One – the sheikhs and preachers of Islam are cowards and dare not speak the truth, fearing that extremist organizations will kill them, leading them to act in contradiction to their [own] sermons, which encourage telling the truth even at the cost of one’s life.”Two – they [believe] in their hearts that this is Islam, and are [therefore] pleased by the actions of these extremist groups and believe in them. Therefore, regimes and security mechanisms should treat these sheikhs like any other terrorist, and apply the terrorism laws to them. “Three – their regimes are involved in the actions of ISIS and they are unable to disobey their leaders. Therefore they follow these leaders at the expense of the truth, without feeling that the responsibility is on their shoulders as clerics. This makes them hypocrites. “If we give the clerics the benefit of the doubt, and choose the first option – i.e. that they are motivated by fear, even though this is a shameful option – we say to them: Shame on you for standing by and playing blind, deaf, mute, and dumb – while armies, nations, and peoples that you have termed infidels rush to defend us and our religion, even if they are also defending themselves. It is shameful that the European politicians [whom you call] ‘infidels’ come out to purge the Islamic arena of this extremist ideology, and that secular Arab artists [whom you call] ‘murtadoun’ [apostates] criticize ISIS actions that deviate from the straight path – while you hide behind mosque pulpits and utter not a sound, as though it does not concern you.
“You wretches… Have you no shame?”
Endnote:
[1] Raialyoum.com, July 9, 2015.