Despite Russian airstrikes, FSA continues to confront regime
Asaad Hanna/Al-Monitor/November 21/15
IDLIB, Syria — The Syrian revolution broke out in March 2011 as Syrians demanded freedom and democracy from an authoritarian totalitarian regime. This regime, however, confronted peaceful demonstrations with live ammunition that led to the killing and wounding of several demonstrators back then. Several months later, the situation in Syria evolved, and the Free Syrian Army (FSA), which was formed in July of 2011, turned into the Syrian revolution’s military arm that confronts the Syrian regime’s military machine.As the Syrian regime failed to put an end to the revolution, it subsequently resorted to its allies, namely Hezbollah and Russia, for military and political support, and it [seems to have] shifted from giving orders to receiving ones while serving Iran’s and Russia’s interests. This impeded the FSA from making any decision to start or stop a battle before consulting its Iranian ally, as shown by the recent truce that was signed between the opposition and the regime in September 2015; the negotiating team was Iranian, and there were no regime representatives facing the Islamist Ahrar al-Sham movement. The Russian intervention that started in late September was a desperate attempt to defend the regime, which prompted the opposition FSA forces to announce full public mobilization aimed at confronting the Russian aggression, which they described as an occupation of Syrian territory, according to the FSA forces.
After it received Russian support, the regime braced itself for a major battle to try to regain the territory it had lost. It launched its first battle in the countryside of Hama — which had been under the opposition control — and it started a fierce ground campaign under Russian air cover on Oct. 7.
Surprisingly, however, the regime forces failed to advance and lost more than 27 armored vehicles in an attack dubbed the “Tank Massacre.” The [regime] forces lost the battle and the FSA maintained its positions in Hama. Also, after the regime failed to advance toward the center of Hama’s countryside on Oct. 7 and after media outlets such as Al-Araby and All4Syria showed such abatement to the regime’s supporters, the regime opened several other fronts in the southern countryside of Aleppo, the northern countryside of Homs and the Latakia mountains as it desperately sought to advance and show its progress in the media as an achievement aimed at lifting the spirits of the regime supporters and forces.
For this instance, a video published by pro-regime Russia Today news outlet on Oct. 12 depicts the battles led by the Syrian regime forces in some small villages in Hama’s countryside, which are, however, still under the opposition’s control. However, despite all of that pressure, the FSA forces managed to preserve their regions and maintain their positions as they switched from offense to defense. While the regime machinery suffered significant destruction in all of the fighting areas, the term TOW missile was widely heard during the battles. The key player in this battle was the FSA, and this proved its ability to confront ground forces backed by Russian air cover. The name of the US-made TOW anti-armor missiles was widely used in these battles, as some FSA moderate units employed these precise and effective missiles in repelling armored tracked vehicles and heavy machinery. TOW missiles can be controlled even after grenades have been launched.
According to military experts who spoke to Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity, these grenades are very likely to strike their target as they rely on the grenadier’s skills. The TOW missile requires calm nerves. They require grenadiers who can completely disconnect from the tense and heated atmosphere of battle. Fighters with such characteristics have a very good chance of hitting their target as the missile has a range of 3,800 meters (about 12,500 feet), knowing that the grenade can be controlled through wires that connect the grenade to the base. The grenade’s direction can be shifted at a speed of 200 meters (around 656 feet) per second if the target moves or tries to hide.
Suhail al-Hamoud seems to be one of the most skilled TOW missile grenadiers in Syria, looking at the number of destroyed vehicles, and Al-Monitor met with him to further learn about this subject. Hamoud defected from the Syrian army in 2012 and served as an assistant in anti-tank battalions a year into the outbreak of the revolution. “I was trained in the Syrian army to use the Russian Malyutka and red-arrow anti-armor missiles, which are not so different from the TOW missiles but do not enjoy the same precision, so I gained experience in dealing with all anti-shield missiles both in terms of structure and trajectory and regardless of their points of strength or weakness,” he said. Hamoud enjoys wide popularity among Syrian dissidents who either know him personally or from social networking sites. He has chosen the nickname of “Abu TOW” (Arabic for “father of TOW”), given his passion for the missiles.
“Our generation lived a peaceful life full of love and joy, but what is happening in our country has forced us to engage in battles and take up arms. Despite all the violence we live in, we are still human beings, and we have not changed. We are waiting for the war to end to throw away the arms and get back to our previous lives,” he said. Speaking of what he achieved during the revolution years, Hamoud said, “I destroyed around 70 targets, of which 57 machineries were destroyed through TOW missiles and 11 machineries through the Malyutka missiles. These targets included planes [in Aleppo International Airport], tanks, armored vehicles and armored personnel carriers in addition to DShK machine guns.”
There were reports that the supply of TOW missiles has increased after the Russian military intervention in support of the regime, which opened several battles simultaneously in the southern countryside of Aleppo, the countryside of Hama and the countryside of Homs, in addition to other areas where the regime tried to make progress. Hamoud, however, said that reports of an increase in the supply of missiles are wrong. He added that the use of these missiles has increased as a result of the growing need for them in the battles. Hamoud also attributed this to the increased media coverage of the Syrian developments following Russia’s intervention in support of the regime.
After KRG formally welcomes Jews back to Iraq, will their numbers increase?
Mustafa Saadoun/Al-Monitor/November 21/15
BAGHDAD, Iraq — Many Iraqi Jews forced from their country or displaced following persecution and dispossession more than six decades ago still dream of returning to their homeland. They retain a nostalgia for their temples and the streets where they grew up. It may be difficult or ultimately impossible for a large number of them to turn this dream into reality, but some have begun to return thanks to a law recently passed in Iraqi Kurdistan. Last month, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) announced the opening of a Jewish representation office at the Ministry of Endowments and Religious Affairs, increasing the number of officially recognized religions to seven. The others are Islam, Christianity, Yazidism, Yarsanism, Alawism and Kaka’ism. The history of the Jews in Mesopotamia dates back to the sixth century B.C. The Jewish community played an important role in Iraq’s economic and cultural life, but in the 1940s Jews became the victims of organized attacks under the Baathist regime. Many were murdered, and their homes and businesses looted and confiscated. Those who survived fled to Europe, the United States and Israel. The persecution of Jews in Iraq coincided with the rise of the Zionist movement, the expulsion of Arabs from Palestine and the establishment in 1948 of the State of Israel, with which the Jews of Iraq had nothing to do. Most Iraqi Jews lived in Baghdad, where they freely practiced their religion. After the founding of the Iraqi state in 1921, Sassoon Eskell, a Jew, became its first minister of finance. He remained in office for two years and was known for his commitment and professionalism while presiding over the ministry.
Mariwan Naqshbandi, spokesperson for the KRG Ministry of Endowments and Religious Affairs, told Al-Monitor, “The KRG parliament in April 2015 issued the Law of Minorities, which was unanimously approved before being signed by KRG President Massoud Barzani. This law confers to every religious community in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq the right to establish a representation office and practice its rituals freely.” According to Naqshbandi, more than 300 Jewish families live in the Kurdistan region. “The number of Jews in the Kurdistan region is increasing every day, and this led the KRG to open a representation office for them like with other religions and sects. Jews are now entitled to submit their projects to the KRG and to build temples through their representation office,” he said. “There are large numbers of Jewish families intending to return to live in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. They believe it is a safe place for them, especially after they confirmed their intention not to participate in the political process.” Saad al-Hadithi, a spokesperson for Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi, told Al-Monitor, “The opening of the representation office for Jews in the KRG is a good step, provided this office remains free from the influence of the State of Israel, since Iraq rejects any relations with that country.”
On whether there has been a request to open a representation office for Jews in Baghdad and other areas, Hadithi stated, “I have no knowledge of any such request, but the number of Jews in Baghdad is not so high as to open a representation office for them like other religious communities. The opening of representative offices depends on the size of the population.”In 1950 the Iraqi government stripped Jews of their citizenship. The same government, headed by Nuri al-Said during the monarchy, also promulgated a 1951 law freezing the assets of all persons deprived of their citizenship. Araz Shukr, a pseudonym, is an Iraqi Jew living in the Kurdistan region. “Our presence in Iraq is not new. We have been living in this country for thousands of years. We were forced out of Iraq more than half a century ago, and we moved to other countries. We have the right to return to our country,” he told Al-Monitor. “There are Jewish families living in Israel who want to return to Iraq and live in the Kurdistan Region, as they feel that living in Iraq is part of their history and reaffirms their presence in this world. Despite everything available to them in Israel, Iraq is still their homeland.” Israa Khaled, who conducts research on the Iraqi Jewish community, told Al-Monitor, “The decision of the KRG [to open a Jewish office] should have been implemented immediately after the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in 2003. Although the decision to open a representation office came late, it remains crucial. This decision benefits the Kurdistan Region, which includes the oldest communities in Iraq and the world. Numerous Kurdish Jewish families still reside in Kurdistan at the moment, but hide their religious affiliation for fear of societal oppression.”
Khaled called on the Baghdad government to also take action. She said, “[It should] open a private representation office for the Jews of Baghdad and other provinces since they are Iraqi nationals who unjustly left the country after being subjected to the ugliest acts of violence [and forced] to leave their homeland and migrate. These Iraqis still feel nostalgic for the land where [Jews have] lived for thousands of years.” She added, “The KRG must fulfill numerous tasks, including protecting Jews, recognizing their religious affiliation, providing them with the opportunity to participate in the political process, restoring their temples and shrines and ensuring their protection when they visit places of worship and practice their religious rituals, like other religions in the Kurdistan region.”The return of Jews to the Kurdistan Region of Iraq is a positive step and could continue. Such, however, is not the case in the near term for other Iraqi areas, where residents do not differentiate between Israelis, Jews and Zionists. The Baathist regime under Hussein had pushed the idea that the Jews were enemies of Iraq, conflating hostility toward Israel with hostility to Jews in general. This could take some time to change.