LCCC ENGLISH DAILY NEWS BULLETIN
July 22/2018
Compiled & Prepared by: Elias Bejjani

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How Russia wangled Israel into phony Gaza “ceasefire,” and acceptance of Iranian/Hizballah in the north
موقع دبكا الإسرائيلي: كيفية نجاح روسيا في الإحتيال على إسرائيل من خلال وقف إطلاق نار كاذب في غزة وبالقبول بوجود حزب الله والإيرانيين على جبهتها الجنوبية
Debka File/July 21/18
http://eliasbejjaninews.com/archives/66197/debkafile-how-russia-wangled-israel-into-phony-gaza-ceasefire-acceptance-of-iranian-hizballah-in-the-north-%D9%85%D9%88%D9%82%D8%B9-%D8%AF%D8%A8%D9%83%D8%A7-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A5%D8%B3%D8%B1%D8%A7/
Israel came out of its “wide-scale” operation against Hamas terror on Friday night, July 20, leaving Hamas holding the initiative for the next round of violence. The IDF operation was almost as phony as the Gaza “ceasefire.” Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman and IDF Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Gady Eisenkott staged a ritual by now all too familiar: The flames of war were quenched in Gaza and on the northern front by a two-prong military-cum-diplomatic intervention without Israel conducting a large-scale military operation. A day earlier, Lieberman admitted that Israel’s deterrent strength had been seriously eroded by Hamas getting away with more than three months of aggression. He held the government responsible.
On Friday afternoon, Netanyahu talked by phone to President Vladimir Putin. The subject of their conversation was not revealed. However, the prime minister’s office issued a statement affirming that he would continue to act against the establishment of an Iranian presence in Syria.
Lieberman was meanwhile on the phone to his Russian counterpart, Gen. Sergei Shoigu, following which Ambassador Alexander Shein in Tel Aviv announced that he was confirming as authentic the reports of an Russian-Israel accord to ensure the withdrawal of Iranian and Hizballah forces from Israel’s border.
After that verbal round came a spate of Russian backtracks. Ambassador to Baghdad Maksim Maksimov stated that Iranian forces would not quit Syria because, like the Russian army, they were there legitimately at the invitation of the Damascus government. He stressed that so long as Russian troops remained in Syria, so too would Iranian forces. Russian ambassador to Damascus Alexander Kimshchank came forward on Thursday to assert: “There are no pro-Iranian armed units in the south of Syria,” adding, “This issue has already been settled.”
Russia diplomats caught in a web of self-contradiction are less of a problem than the arrival of Hizballah and Shiite militias under the command of Iranian Revolutionary Guards officers to points just 2-3km from Israel’s Golan border. Their presence catches the Netanyahu government in contradiction of its frequent vows to prevent any Iranian or pro-Iranian forces from getting established in Syria, least of all on Israel’s border.
DEBKAfile’s military sources report that because Tehran has escaped scot-free in Syria, Israel found its hands tied on the Gaza front against Hamas. On Friday, Netanyahu and Lieberman decided to accept Putin’s guarantees to keep Iranian forces at a distance from Israel’s borders – despite his repeated default on former guarantees. But no more than five hours elapsed before Hamas turned the Gaza flame high with a deadly cross-border attack on Israel border forces. For the first time in more than three months of explosive balloon and flaming kite attacks and violent border assaults, Hamas surprised Israel by deploying trained marksmen against Israeli troops and killing one soldier. The furious IDF tank and air force reprisal on 8 Hamas outposts killed 4 Palestinians and injured more than 100.
While getting set for the next round of a wide-ranging IDF counter-terror offensive in Gaza, the diplomatic wheels began turning. Egyptian General Intelligence Director Gen. Kemal Abbas and the UN Middle East envoy, Nikolai Maldanov were enlisted to the effort.
The Israeli public were told (a) that Israel fighter jets had conducted three large-scale sorties against Hamas targets in the Gaza Strip Friday evening, as the prologue for a major ground operation, and (b) that Israel had asked Egypt to broker a ceasefire.
In fact, the Israeli jets dropped no more than 6 missiles on each Hamas command center attacked. Although they were said to have been flattened, they were damaged but remained standing.
After a quiet night on the Gaza front, Hamas offered Israel a dose of reality. On Saturday morning the terrorist group’s spokesmen commented that the ceasefire was very fragile and liable to break down at any moment. Furthermore, in none of the negotiations were the balloon-cum-kite offensive or the Palestinian border riots addressed and would therefore continue. Hamas had achieved exactly what it sought: the freedom to carry on as before, call the shots on when to goad the IDF into reprisals and to calibrate the level of escalation centering on the Gaza Strip.
After witnessing Israel’s handling of security threats on those two fronts, Hamas, Iran and Hizballah will feel free to continue to erode the IDF’s deterrence and self-confidence, while landing a fresh blow or setback on Israel’s head whenever they choose. Netanyahu-Putin phone calls will not change this skewed symmetry.

Iran’s vicious and rapidly growing dominance
Dr. Majid Rafizadeh/Arab News/July 21/18
History is indeed one of the best tools with which to comprehend the Iranian regime’s current and prospective threats. A nuanced examination of the rapid and remarkable growth of Tehran’s hegemony ought to send an alarming message to the international community — and urge it immediately to take appropriate action.
When Khomeini assumed power and set up the system of Velayat-e-Faqih (the governance of the jurist, which gives the supreme leader custodianship over the entire nation), the regime had barely any influence in other countries, in the region or beyond. Iran also endured eight years of a bloody and devastating war with its neighbor, Iraq.
Nevertheless, Tehran still managed to dramatically widen its spheres of influence, open new fronts and export its extremist ideology and revolutionary ideals. During the Iran-Iraq war, although many of Iran’s resources were drained, the theocratic, determined and defiant regime began to implement its international agenda. Three years after 1979, the ruling mullahs sent more than 1,000 members of its Quds Force — a special unit of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) that operates in foreign territories — to Lebanon. Within a short period of time, these IRGC members gave birth to the first, and currently the most powerful, Shiite militia group in the world: Hezbollah.
The Iranian regime soon resorted to terrorist tactics as its modus operandi. Through a series of concerted operations — including the bombing of American embassies, taking hostages, kidnappings, the killing of peacekeeping troops from Europe and the US, suicide bombings, and deadly attacks against Israel — Iran and Hezbollah scored their first geopolitical, strategic and ideological victory when they forced Israel and the US to pull out of Lebanon.
Within a few years, Beirut became the first Arab capital to fall into the hands of Iran, and Iranian leaders bragged about it. This new front in the Levant was not sufficient for Tehran, which turned its attention to Bahrain and other Gulf nations. The IRGC and Ministry of Intelligence invested their resources in building a network of surrogate militias, sponsoring terrorist groups and supporting fundamentalist Shiite groups across the region, such as the Islamic Front for the Liberation of Bahrain
It is incumbent on the international community to put an end to the Iranian regime’s rapidly growing hegemony, and its dangerous and vicious expansion.
In an attempt to establish systems of governance similar to that of Iran in neighboring countries, the Iranian regime began stirring up protests in Gulf nations by pursuing a sectarian agenda, and the supreme leader publicly called for the overthrow of Gulf governments, including that of Saudi Arabia. Feeling empowered, Tehran plotted to assassinate prominent figures, including Riyadh’s ambassador to Washington.
In Iraq, Iran did not give up its objective to dominate Baghdad, even after eight years of war, which led to a military stalemate. Tehran exercised significant patience until it found its political opportunity in 2003, during the Iraqi conflict involving the US.
As for Syria, the Iranian regime had long sought to dominate Damascus as it did Beirut. Although Damascus and Tehran were staunch allies, former President Hafez Assad most likely drew a red line for Iran, warning Tehran against creating militia groups in Syria, setting up military bases in the country or attempting to rule over Damascus. Iran was aware that if it crossed this red line, Assad was capable of damaging Iran’s interests in Lebanon. Resorting to their masterful skill of patience, the mullahs waited until they found an opportunity in 2011.
Like the Lebanese civil war, the Syrian conflict provided a ripe opportunity for Tehran to infiltrate and dominate the political, security and military establishment of the Syrian regime. Syria has turned into a large military entrenchment for Iran. The IRGC has set up more than 10 military bases, some of which are permanent, in Syrian cities.
In 2012, Iran also found a great window of opportunity to significantly expand its influence in the Arabian Peninsula by supporting the Houthis in Yemen, militarily, financially and politically. A UN panel conclusively found recently that the Iranian regime was behind the transfer of illegal weapons to the Houthis.
From the perspective of the Iranian regime, its rapidly growing dominance and influence has been a success. Iranian leaders boasted about controlling four Arab capitals: Baghdad, Damascus, Beirut and Sanaa.
It is worth mentioning that a 40-year period is infinitesimal in the context of the world’s political history. However, the Iranian regime managed in this short period of time not only to consolidate its power but also to considerably expand its influence and dominance, from Lebanon and Syria to Iraq and Yemen, and even into some European and Latin American nations.
The lesson to learn from the four-decade history of the ruling mullahs is crystal clear: if the Iranian regime has accomplished such a remarkable and rapid expansion of influence in such a relatively short period of time, imagine how much further it can extend its hegemony, supremacy and dominance in the event that it is not adequately countered and stopped.
It is incumbent on the international community to put an end to the Iranian regime’s rapidly growing hegemony, and its dangerous and vicious expansion.
• Dr. Majid Rafizadeh is a Harvard-educated Iranian-American political scientist. He is a leading expert on Iran and US foreign policy, a businessman and president of the International American Council.

Iran’s ‘fantasy’ of support from Putin
Camelia Entekhabifard/Arab News/July 21/18
Iranians watched the news conference given by US President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin after their summit in Helsinki last week with particular interest — and with a particular eye on Putin.
Apparently they believed the Russian leader might defend their national interests — a curious about-face, since the Russians are usually portrayed in Iran as users and back-stabbers. Indeed, despite relations with the US having broken down 40 years ago, an American in Tehran would be treated with more compassion than a Russian.
In fact, it was the regime who conveyed to the public the notion that Putin might raise with Trump the issue of the Iran nuclear deal, and find a way to avoid renewed sanctions. Ali Akbar Velayati, special adviser to the Supreme Leader, went to Russia to meet Putin before the summit. Some super-optimistic Iranian dreamers thought he might be carrying a message for Trump to be delivered by Putin.
What actually happened turned out to be something of a cold shower for these fantasists. Putin mentioned Iran only briefly at the press conference, and did not criticize Trump for his withdrawal from the nuclear deal.
“Thanks to the Iranian nuclear deal, Iran became most controlled country in the world, it submitted to the control of IAEA,” Putin said, and the deal “effectively ensures the peaceful nature of the Iranian nuclear program and strengthens the non-proliferation regime.”
Those remarks conveyed only satisfaction that Iran, a Russian neighbor, could not be armed with nuclear weapons.
Putin may already have made a deal with Trump to sell Iran down the river again.
In Iran, the public has historical suspicions of Russia that date from a 19th-century war. In the modern era, Russia earned a fortune when it signed a contract with Iran in 1995 to build the Bushehr nuclear power plant. Work was delayed for several years by technical and financial challenges, and by political pressure on Russia from the West as Iran came under tight international sanctions, and construction stopped in 2007. Approximately $11 billion of investment has gone into Bushehr, and it is still not clear if it is actually operational.
Perhaps this money was paid to the Russians in return for friendship and support at the UN Security Council, but nevertheless the Russians have twice sided with the international community against Iran’s nuclear program.
The Russian S-300 air-defense missile system was part of an $800 million arms deal with Iran signed in 2007. Delivery was delayed, with lots of excuses, and was revived when Iran reached the framework agreement of the nuclear deal in 2015.
Interestingly, a day after the Helsinki summit, and apparently frustrated by Putin’s performance, President Hassan Rouhani’s chief of staff Mahmoud Vaezi revealed that at the UN General Assembly in New York last September Trump had eight times requested a meeting with Rouhani, and was turned down each time.
Perhaps the regime’s strategists are now thinking that if Putin can have a face-to-face with Trump despite allegations of Russian meddling in US elections, then why shouldn’t they?
They may be too late. Putin moves too quickly for them, and he may already have made a deal to sell them down the river again.
Perhaps Rouhani and his “fixer,” Foreign Minister Mohammed Javad Zarif, are preparing another attempt this year at the UN General Assembly to save the nuclear deal and their regime. If so, this time they will have to call Trump — because he won’t be calling them again.
• Camelia Entekhabifard is an Iranian-American journalist, political commentator and author of “Camelia: Save Yourself By Telling the Truth” (Seven Stories Press, 2008).

Exclusive: German Intelligence Contradicts Merkel On Iran's Nuclear Drive
Jerusalem Post/July 21/18
The domestic intelligence agencies in Germany are the functional equivalent of Israel's Shin Bet.
A new German intelligence report from the city-state of Hamburg on Thursday said Iran's regime continues to seek weapons of mass destruction, delivering another intelligence agency blow to Chancellor Angela Merkel's belief that the 2015 atomic deal with the Islamic Republic has been effective in curbing Tehran's nuclear weapons ambitions.
The Jerusalem Post reviewed the 211-page document that states "some of the crisis countries... are still making an effort to obtain products for the manufacture of atomic, biological and chemical weapons of mass destruction (proliferation) and the corresponding missile carrier technology (rocket technology)."
The Hamburg report added that "the current main focus points of countries in the area of relevant proliferation activities are: Iran, Syrian, Pakistan and Syria."
Hamburg's intelligence agency conclusions covering Iran's alleged illicit conduct conform with the intelligence data from 2018 state agency reports in Bavaria, Baden-Württemberg, North Rhine-Westphalia and Hesse.
The domestic intelligence agencies in Germany are the functional equivalent of Israel's Shin Bet.
The Hamburg intelligence official wrote that that "Iran still constitutes, because of its previous nuclear relevant activities, the focus of Germany in the sector of counter-proliferation."
The report said that "Iran continues to pursue unchanged an ambitious program to modernize its rocket technology with the goal of a continued increase of the reach of the missiles."
Merkel said on July 9 that "[Germany] remains committed to the nuclear agreement. We think it was well-negotiated."
The US government pulled out of the Iran deal, formally known as the Joint Comprehensive of Plan of Action (JCPOA), in May because of the agreement's failure to prevent Tehran from building a nuclear weapon device. Merkel has not commented on the intelligence findings of state agencies that appear to significantly undermine her strong defense of the effectiveness of the atomic deal reached with world powers in July 2015.
Iran's activities - ranging from espionage to support for Hezbollah and the spread of religious extremism - are cited 48 times in Hamburg's intelligence report.
Hesse's state intelligence agency published in June a document on countering the spread of weapons of mass destruction, singling out the Islamic Republic of Iran as one of two states seeking to obtain the ultimate form of powerful weapons.
According to the document: “Weapons of mass destruction are a continued instrument of power politics that also, in regional and international crises situations, can shatter the entire stability of state structures. States like Iran and North Korea attempt, in the context of proliferation, to acquire and spread such weapons by, for example, disguising the transportation ways through third countries.”
The Post reported in early June that the intelligence agency of Baden-Württemberg wrote in its report: “Iran continued to undertake, as did Pakistan and Syria, efforts to obtain goods and know-how to be used for the development of weapons of mass destruction and to optimize corresponding missile-delivery systems.”
Bavaria’s intelligence agency noted in its April report: “Iran, North Korea, Syria and Pakistan are making efforts to expand their conventional weapons arsenal through the production of weapons of mass destruction.”
The Islamic Republic of Iran sought to obtain illicit goods for its missile program from Germany, the intelligence agency for Germany’s most populous state, North Rhine-Westphalia, the Post reported in June.
The North Rhine-Westphalia intelligence agency wrote: “Because of the demand for relevant goods for its rocket program, Iran continues to represent proliferation defense in our work.”
German exports to Iran rose to 3.5 billion euros in 2017 from 2.6 billion euros in 2016.
The Federal Republic conducts dual-use deals with the Islamic Republic, in which German technology and equipment can be used for military and civilian purposes. The Post reported in February that Iranian businessmen purchased industrial material from the Krempel company in Baden-Württemberg that was later found in chemical rockets used to gas Syrian civilians in January and February.
A total of 24 Syrians were severely injured in those poison gas attacks. Germany’s Federal Office for Economic Affairs and Export Control told the Post that the Krempel material was not a dual-use item, and declined to stop trade between Krempel and the Islamic Republic.
Amir Taheri, a leading Iranian journalist, wrote Thursday on Twitter that the "Russian steel firm Sursthal ceases trading with Iran, citing threat of US sanctions. Its Iranian partner Fulad Mubarakah says it is in talks with German firms to fill the gap with Berlin govt. backing (Strange world: Putin on Trump's side, Merkel on the opposite side?!)"