English LCCC Newsbulletin For Lebanese, Lebanese Related, Global News & Editorials
For August 04/2020
Compiled & Prepared by: Elias Bejjani
#elias_bejjani_news

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Bible Quotations For today
Where your treasure is, there will your heart be also
Luke 12/33-40: Sell your possessions, and give to the needy. Provide yourselves with moneybags that do not grow old, with a treasure in the heavens that does not fail, where no thief approaches and no moth destroys. For where your treasure is, there will your heart be also. “Stay dressed for action and keep your lamps burning, and be like men who are waiting for their master to come home from the wedding feast, so that they may open the door to him at once when he comes and knocks. Blessed are those servants whom the master finds awake when he comes. Truly, I say to you, he will dress himself for service and have them recline at table, and he will come and serve them. If he comes in the second watch, or in the third, and finds them awake, blessed are those servants! But know this, that if the master of the house had known at what hour the thief was coming, he would not have left his house to be broken into. You also must be ready, for the Son of Man is coming at an hour you do not expect.”

Titles For The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News & Editorials published on August 03-04/2021
Hezbollah the Terrorist organization is totally responsible for the Beirut Port Explosion, and justice will not be achieved before Lebanon is liberated from its occupation/Elias Bejjani/August 04/2021
A Year Later, Beirut Blast Victims Push Leaders for Justic
After Port Blast, Winning Justice Becomes a Life's Mission
Year after Lebanon Blast, Children Still in Distress
Miqati Reportedly Tells Aoun He'll Quit in 3 Weeks if No Govt.
Lebanese Officials 'Criminally Negligent' over Port Blast, Says HRW
Aoun Tells Judiciary Not to Fear Immunities, Urges Peaceful Aug. 4 Anniversary
Berri Urges Unveiling Side that Brought Nitrates, Blast Causes
Hariri Urges Transparent Int’l Probe, Lifting of ‘All’ Immunities
Diab: Who Brought the Ammonium Nitrate and Why?
ISG Urges Lebanon to Form Govt. that Implements 'Meaningful Reforms'
Stolen Car Sparks Bomb Scare near Baabda Palace
France Targets $357 Million at Lebanon Aid Conference
A Year Since the Beirut Port Explosion – Investigation? Rehabilitation?/Tal Beeri/Alma's Blog/August 02/2021

Titles For The Latest English LCCC Miscellaneous Reports And News published on August 03-04/2021
Iranian hardliner Ebrahim Raisi inaugurated as president
Iran Ultraconservative Raisi Inaugurated as President
NATO Warns Iran to Respect Shipping after Tanker Attack
Israeli Court's Compromise Would Avoid Palestinian Evictions
Saif al-Islam’s candidacy could worry Haftar, split LNA ranks
Algeria’s stance on developments in Tunisia raises questions

Titles For The Latest The Latest LCCC English analysis & editorials from miscellaneous sources published on August 03-04/2021
Hangman-in-chief/Ebrahim Raisi was elected as the next president of Iran/Emanuele Ottolenghi/Longitude/FDD/August 02/2021
L’État criminel et l’inévitable internationalisation/Charles Elias Chartouni/August 03/2021
Were Saied’s moves preemptive?/Habib Lassoued/The Arab Weekly/August 03/2021

The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News & Editorials published on August 03-04/2021
Hezbollah the Terrorist organization is totally responsible for the Beirut Port Explosion, and justice will not be achieved before Lebanon is liberated from its occupation.
Elias Bejjani/August 04/2021
حزب الله الإرهابي هو المسؤول عن تفجير مرفأ بيروت، والعدالة لن تتحقق قبل تحرير لبنان من رجس احتلاله
http://eliasbejjaninews.com/archives/101087/elias-bejjani-hezbollah-the-terrorist-organization-is-totally-responsible-for-the-beirut-port-explosion-and-justice-will-not-be-achieved-before-lebanon-is-liberated-from-its-occupation/
Prophet Isaiah 33/01: “Woe to you, destroyer, you who have not been destroyed! Woe to you, betrayer, you who have not been betrayed! When you stop destroying, you will be destroyed; when you stop betraying, you will be betrayed”.
In reality and practically, justice in Lebanon will remain a mirage and a dream while Lebanon is still occupied by the Iranian Hezbollah, and governed by a bunch of local puppets and Trojans.
Sadly, justice in our beloved occupied Lebanon is currently far from reach, and even impossible, whether in regards to the Beirut Port explosion horrible crime, or the assassinations of dozens of sovereigns, patriotic and free Lebanese figures.
Justice in the occupied Lebanon is currently ignored, muzzled, marginalized and down trodden, and will not be achieved in any way before the country is liberated from the occupation, domination, hegemony, barbarism and the Mafiosi of the Iranian terrorist organization, Hezbollah.
In this Trojan framework that Hezbollah is enforcing, all that is circulated in the media about judicial investigations into the Beirut Port Explosion crime in particular, revolves only around ignoring the real perpetrator, and on distracting the Lebanese people with names of political and security officials who are charged on mere negligence basis.
The occupier, Hezbollah who has been since 2005 in complete control of Beirut’s airport and port, brought the shipment of ammonium nitrate to Lebanon in full partnership and co-operation with the Syrian Criminal Assad Regime.
Hezbollah stored the ammonium nitrate in the Beirut Port, used it inside and outside Lebanon in terrorism explosions, and transported most of it to Syria, where Assad regime transformed it into bombing barrels of death and destruction.
Due to the fact that Hezbollah is an “assassination machine “and an Iranian terrorist organization that occupies and terrorizes the Lebanese, all the Lebanese security officials and politicians, including and foremost, the President, House Speaker, PM, ministers, MP’S and all high ranging government employees would not have dared to utter a word about the ammonium shipment, even if they were aware of it. This enforced silence would be either because of fear for their lives, or due to their treason affiliation with Hezbollah.
Meanwhile, the terrorist Hezbollah, and through its ruling puppets and officials in all positions continues viciously to distract the judicial investigation, and the peoples’ focus from the truth, that actually and plainly points towards its sole criminal role in exploding Beirut’s Port on August 04, 2020.
Hezbollah’s leader, Hassan Nasrallah has been openly and loudly threatening the Lebanese judiciary, and questioning its credibility, in a replicate to his evil role with the Special Tribunal For Lebanon (STL), that was investigating the assassination of the late PM, Rafik Al Hariri.
In summary, Hezbollah, which occupies Lebanon and controls its rulers, officials and political parties’ without even one exception, is fully accountable for the Beirut Port Explosion crime, and accordingly justice will not be fully achieved before the liberation of Lebanon, and before charging, arresting and before putting on all its leaders on trial.
And until the day of liberation comes, this Terrorist and criminal armed militia, will continue to systematically and viciously to devour our beloved Lebanon, The Land Of The Holy Cedars, piece by piece, intimidating its people and assassinating its patriotic leaders.

A Year Later, Beirut Blast Victims Push Leaders for Justice
Associated Press/August 02/2021
After the massive explosion at Beirut's port a year ago, only a small part of Ibrahim Hoteit's younger brother was identified: his scalp. His brother was a large man, a firefighter, a martial arts champion, but Hoteit buried him in a container the size of a shoe box. Since then, Hoteit has sold his business and sleeps only a few hours a night.
One thing drives him now: winning justice for the victims of the Aug. 4, 2020, explosion that killed more than 214 people and punishing Lebanon's political elite, blamed for causing the disaster through their corruption and mismanagement. "I don't see a minister or president or parliament speaker. I am seeing the person who killed my brother and others with him," Hoteit said. Hoteit and his wife, Hanan, have built an association of more than 100 families of those killed. They are waging a campaign of protests trying to force politicians to allow the truth to come out.
A year later, critics say the political leadership has succeeded in stonewalling the judicial investigation that was launched to uncover what happened in the explosion and who was responsible. Aiming to get around the barriers, another group of families is calling for an international fact-finding mission by the U.N. Human Rights Council. President Michel Aoun said no one will have political cover if they are found negligent or guilty but has not addressed accusations that officials are obstructing the investigation.
Hoteit and other families say they are up against not just a government but the entire political system that has ruled Lebanon for more than 30 years. It's a system that protects itself so intensely it seems invulnerable, even as many Lebanese say it has led the country into ruin — pointing to both the explosion and a financial meltdown that is one of the world's worst in the past 150 years. The blast was preceded by a fire that broke out at the port, and hundreds of tons of ammonium nitrate stored in a hangar along with other highly combustible materials exploded.
It was one of the largest non-nuclear explosions in history. Along with the dead, thousands were injured. Some 300,000 homes were damaged or destroyed. Painted on a wall opposite the still mangled port, a large slogan declares, "My government did this."
It soon emerged from documents that the ammonium nitrate had been stored improperly at the port since 2014 and that multiple high-level officials over the years knew of its presence and did nothing. Since the end of the civil war in 1990, the former warlords in that conflict have run Lebanon, heading sectarian-rooted factions. They have divvied government offices up among themselves, and their patronage system has fomented widespread corruption. Though rivals, the factions close ranks to prevent accountability. Hoteit's brother Tharwat was among the group of firefighters who rushed to battle the initial blaze. All were killed. Hoteit and Hanan spent the next 12 days searching through hospitals for his brother. They turned over bodies to see their faces. Along the way, they met other families on the same grisly search. They continued to communicate, first through a WhatsApp group, trading stories of their loved ones.
Then they organized to fight. At first, the group held vigils outside the port on the 4th of every month to remind the public of the demands of justice.
But as the investigation stalled, the group changed tactics, turning to protests.
Their first angry protest, burning tires and blocking roads, came after the political leadership succeeded in removing the first chief of the investigation into the explosion, Fadi Sawwan. Politicians gained a court order for his removal after he named three former senior ministers and the caretaker prime minister to be charged with negligence leading to death. The caretaker prime minister has dismissed the allegations as "diabolical."
A new chief investigator was swiftly named: Tarek Bitar, a younger judge with no clear political affiliations. Bitar cast a wider net, pursuing even senior military, intelligence and security officers. In February, he asked the government and parliament to lift immunity from the heads of two main security agencies and two lawmakers so he could question them.
The families were elated. But the political elite again closed ranks. Lawmakers and government officials refused to lift immunity. The interior minister said his legal department advised against it, reportedly because the security agency in question was not responsible for the shipment.
So the families began protests targeting parliament members and officials they accuse of burying the truth. In TV ads and social media posts, they branded those who opposed lifting immunity as "the ammonium nitrate lawmakers." On Monday, the families gave officials until Tuesday afternoon for immunity to be lifted or else they would give a "bone-crushing" response, though they did not elaborate. With his black T-shirt, jeans and hair slicked back, Hoteit has become synonymous with calls for justice. The 51-year-old-father of three coordinates with local groups to document and archive every piece of information on the blast and has met with several of the politicians he has led protests against. A domestic reckoning may be the only way to bring down the wall of impunity and break Lebanon's ruling system, Hoteit says."If this doesn't bring about change, nothing will."

After Port Blast, Winning Justice Becomes a Life's Mission
Associated Press/August 02/2021
After the massive explosion at Beirut's port a year ago, only a small part of Ibrahim Hoteit's younger brother was identified: his scalp. Hoteit buried his brother -- a large man, a firefighter, a martial arts champion -- in a container the size of a shoebox. Since then, Hoteit has sold his business, a perfume and accessories shop. He sleeps only a few hours a night. Black circles ring his eyes.
One thing drives him now: winning justice for the victims of the Aug. 4, 2020, explosion that killed more than 214 people and punishing Lebanon's political elite, blamed for causing the disaster through their corruption and mismanagement.
"I don't see a minister or president or parliament speaker. I am seeing the person who killed my brother and others with him," said Hoteit, who says he gets anonymous threats. "This is what gives me strength. I see that I have nothing to lose." Hoteit and his wife, Hanan, have built an association of more than 100 families of those killed. They are waging a campaign of protests and rallies trying to shame, pressure and force politicians to allow the truth to come out.
A year later, critics say the political leadership has succeeded in stonewalling the judicial investigation into the explosion.
President Michel Aoun has said no one will have political cover if they are found negligent or guilty, but has not addressed accusations that officials are obstructing the investigation.
Hoteit and other families say they are up against not just a government but the political system that has ruled Lebanon for more than 30 years. It's a system that protects itself so intensely it seems invulnerable, even as many Lebanese say it has led the country into ruin - pointing to both the explosion and a financial meltdown that is one of the world's worst in the past 150 years.
Even the current caretaker premier, Hassan Diab, has acknowledged this, saying weeks after the explosion that corruption in Lebanon "is bigger than the state."
Black and white portraits of each of the blast's victims, commissioned by Hoteit's group, hang from the walls of a central square near the port. Painted on a wall opposite the still mangled port, a large slogan declares, "My government did this."
The blast was preceded by a fire that broke out at the port, and hundreds of tons of ammonium nitrate stored in a hangar along with other highly combustible materials exploded.
It was one of the largest non-nuclear explosions in history. Along with the dead, thousands were injured. Some 300,000 homes were damaged or destroyed.
It soon emerged in documents that the ammonium nitrate had been stored improperly at the port since 2014 and that multiple high-level officials over the years knew of its presence and did nothing.
But a year after the government launched a judicial investigation, nearly everything else remains unknown - from who ordered the shipment to why officials ignored repeated internal warnings of the danger. Multiple government agencies have a role at the port, but all of them have said the ammonium nitrate was not their responsibility.
Hoteit's brother Tharwat was among the group of firefighters who rushed to battle the initial blaze. All were killed.
Hoteit and his wife spent the next 12 days searching through hospitals for his brother. It was harrowing. They turned over bodies to see their faces. Doctors notified them when they identified Tharwat's remains.
Along the way, they met other families on the same grisly search. Hoteit and Hanan saw one man carrying his dead son's hand in a plastic sack. The families continued to communicate, first through a WhatsApp group, trading stories of their loved ones.
Then they organized to fight.
With his black T-shirt, jeans and hair slicked back, Hoteit has become synonymous with calls for justice. The 51-year-old-father of three is unforgiving, determined -- and a clear-eyed strategist.
He coordinates with local groups to document and archive every piece of information on the blast. He has met with several of the politicians he has led protests against, as well as repeatedly with investigators.
At first, the group held vigils outside the port on the 4th of every month. But as the investigation stalled, the group changed tactics, targeting specific officials with protests.
At a protest last month, hundreds carried empty coffins outside the acting interior minister's home.
At first, Hoteit tried to keep the group orderly, while Hanan and others shouted angrily at the minister inside. The protest got tense as numbers swelled and the minister never came out to talk to them. Protesters tried to make their way through the gates.
Police fired tear gas and pushed them back.
The biggest challenge has been trying to ensure the investigation moves forward.
The first lead investigator was Fadi Sawwan, a former military judge. When the families felt he was dragging his feet, citing coronavirus restrictions, they protested outside his home.
When he did act, they couldn't protect him.
Sawwan named three former government ministers and Diab, the caretaker prime minister, to be charged with negligence leading to death. Diab has dismissed the allegations as "diabolical." The political class united and won Sawwan's removal by court order in February.
That's when the families staged their first angry rally, burning tires, blocking roads and warning they may storm the Justice Ministry. A replacement for Sawwan was swiftly named: Tarek Bitar, a younger judge with no clear political affiliations.
Bitar cast a wider net, pursuing even senior military, intelligence and security officers. In February, he asked the government and parliament to lift immunity from the heads of two main security agencies and two lawmakers so he could question them.
The families were elated.
But the political elite again closed ranks. Lawmakers and government officials refused to lift immunity. The interior minister said his legal department advised against it, reportedly because the security agency in question was not responsible for the shipment.
So the families took aim at parliament members and officials they accuse of burying the truth. In TV ads and social media posts, they branded those who opposed lifting immunity as "the ammonium nitrate lawmakers."
The same group of politicians have run Lebanon since its long civil war ended in 1990.
They head the same sectarian-rooted factions that fought the conflict. They have divvied government offices up among themselves, and their patronage system has fomented widespread corruption.
Dozens of political assassinations have never been properly investigated. Corruption has gone unpunished despite widespread documentation.
Impunity is entrenched in the system. Though rivals, the factions close ranks to prevent accountability.
That impunity translated into stunning callousness by politicians in the wake of the explosion.
No one deployed security around a city thrown into chaos. No authority took charge of the crime scene or search and rescue. No politician visited damaged areas. No state agency offered aid or shelter to those left homeless, and none cleaned up the rubble - all was left to volunteers.
The state never offered an apology or condolences to families. Even declaring Aug. 4 a National Day of Mourning took months of pressure.
"The state didn't care for anything at all. If we didn't follow up on everything big and small, nothing would happen," Hoteit said, speaking at his home in the mainly Shiite southern Beirut suburb of Dahiyeh.
Like many Lebanese, Hoteit had long been resigned to the system. It was dictated by fate and geopolitics, he felt.
He can abide it no more.
"If the judiciary doesn't give us our right, I will take vengeance for my brother with my own hands."
The families' lives have been consumed by the fight for accountability.
Salam Iskander, a mother of four whose younger brother Hamzeh was killed, comes from her home in northern Lebanon to Beirut to participate in every activity organized by the group. Her father was furious, saying she was endangering her family by taking on the politicians.
The memory of her brother drives her. Hamzeh, a soldier, supported her and her children, since her husband has a disability that prevents him from working. Her mother died a few months after Hamzeh - killed by grief, Iskander believes.
"Hamzeh is not coming back. Nothing will cool my heart," she said. "But I want to be able to say I did something for him. .... Maybe I can do something as simple as punish those who did it."
Tracy and Paul Naggear lost their only child, 3-year-old daughter Alexandra. Lexou, as they call her, was one of the youngest killed in the blast.
They can't bring themselves to return to live in their home near the port. Tracy has grown thin with stress. After Lexou's funeral, they thought about leaving Lebanon - Tracy has Canadian citizenship - but then they started working with others campaigning for justice. Now they regularly participate in Hoteit's protests."This government killed my daughter, and it's my right and my duty to seek justice, and I will," Tracy said. "They can try and block the truth as much as they want ... They will get exhausted before we do."
The Naggears are also part of another network of families asking the U.N. Human Rights Council to establish a fact-finding mission into the blast. Proponents hope that could circumvent politicians' obstructions.
A third group, made up of families of killed firefighters, has focused on lobbying Lebanese security agencies. Families have had to fight over and over for even the smallest help for the victims. Parliament stalled when they asked that the victims be considered military martyrs, which would secure them and their families a pension and assistance. So Hoteit called a strike outside the home of Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri.Eventually they won the declaration. But Hoteit said the speaker's allies in the government social insurance agency, feeling slighted by the protest against Berri, retaliated by slowing delaying payments to the injured. So Hoteit held a news conference naming and shaming those responsible. The payments resumed. On Monday, Hoteit and the families gave officials 30 hours to lift immunity on the officials the lead investigator wants to question - or else face a "bone-crushing" response. They didn't elaborate. Breaking the wall of impunity means more than achieving justice, Hoteit says. A domestic reckoning may be the only way to break the system. "If this doesn't bring about change, nothing will."

Year after Lebanon Blast, Children Still in Distress
Agence France Presse/August 02/2021
A year after a monster explosion at Beirut's port, one in three families in Lebanon have children still showing signs of trauma, the U.N. said Tuesday. "One in three families (34 percent) has children still showing signs of psychological distress," said the U.N. agency for children, UNICEF, citing a July survey of 1,200 families. "In the case of adults, the figure reaches almost one in two (45.6 percent)," it added in a report published on the eve of the blast's first anniversary. The August 4, 2020 explosion killed more than 200 people, wounded at least 6,500 others and damaged swathes of the capital. In the year since, Lebanon has also had to grapple with the coronavirus pandemic and a spiraling economic crisis branded by the World Bank as one of the planet's worst since the mid-19th century. "One year after the tragic events, children's lives remain deeply affected," said Yukie Mokuo, UNICEF's representative in Lebanon. "Those families have been struggling to recover from the aftermath of the explosions at the worst possible time -– in the middle of a devastating economic crisis and a major pandemic."A UNICEF survey in July found that almost all families that requested assistance in the wake of the Beirut port blast still need help, especially cash and food assistance, the agency said. Many who lost employment because of the blast have yet to find work, UNICEF added, as Lebanon grapples with soaring poverty, rampant inflation and shortages of basic items from medicine to fuel. "Children's lives are at risk as the escalating crisis is leaving most families unable to afford their basic needs," Mokuo said.

Miqati Reportedly Tells Aoun He'll Quit in 3 Weeks if No Govt.
Naharnet/August 02/2021
Prime Minister-designate Najib Miqati told President Michel Aoun in their meeting on Monday that he will give himself a three-week deadline to form the new government, informed sources said. “He won’t tolerate that his mission be prolonged any further,” the sources told al-Joumhouria newspaper in remarks published Tuesday. “PM-designate Miqati was not surprised by President Aoun’s inflexibility and his insistence on the interior and justice portfolios,” the sources added. The daily meanwhile quoted “credible sources” as saying that the four meetings that have been so far held between Aoun and Miqati “did not witness any notable progress.”“To the contrary, the previous obstacles are still the same and this is not reassuring,” the sources added. The informed sources also said that Miqati does not prefer that the so-called sovereign portfolios be re-distributed “as long as there is an agreement on keeping the finance portfolio with the Shiite sect.”

Lebanese Officials 'Criminally Negligent' over Port Blast, Says HRW
Agence France Presse/August 02/2021
Human Rights Watch on Tuesday accused Lebanese authorities of criminal negligence for failing to secure a shipment of hazardous chemicals that caused last year's monster port blast, despite repeated warnings. The watchdog recommended an independent U.N. investigative mission conduct its own inquiry, and advocated for broad international sanctions against top officials. The August 4, 2020 explosion of a shipment of ammonium nitrate fertilizer haphazardly stored at the Beirut port for six years killed more than 200 people and destroyed swathes of the capital, in one of the world's largest non-nuclear blasts. Victims' families and the broader public widely saw the explosion as the result of incompetence and corruption on the part of the ruling class, but one year on, no official has been brought to justice. A 126-page HRW report, released one day before the first anniversary of the tragedy, identified top officials in the government, customs, the army and security agencies who were aware of the shipment and its dangers but failed to take necessary action. "Multiple Lebanese authorities were, at a minimum, criminally negligent under Lebanese law in their handling" of the ammonium nitrate shipment, said the report, which draws on interviews and official correspondence, including previously unpublished material. "Evidence strongly suggests that some government officials foresaw the death that the ammonium nitrate's presence in the port could result in and tacitly accepted the risk of the deaths occurring," it said.
'Homicide'
The report, entitled "They Killed us from the Inside: An investigation into the August 4 Beirut blast", accused authorities of violating the right to life and said that their actions could amount to "homicide" under domestic law. The rights group recommended sanctions against "officials implicated in ongoing violations of human rights related to the August 4 blast and efforts to undermine accountability". Sanctions, HRW said, would "provide additional leverage to those pressing for accountability through domestic judicial proceedings". According to the HRW investigation, mistakes started soon after the chemicals arrived in Beirut in 2013 onboard the Rhosus, a Moldovan-flagged ship allegedly sailing from Georgia to Mozambique. "Ministry of Public Works and Transport officials inaccurately described the cargo's risks in their requests to the judiciary to offload the merchandise," HRW said. They also "knowingly stored the ammonium nitrate in Beirut's port alongside flammable or explosive materials for nearly six years", even after receiving reports warning that the chemical is "extremely hazardous", HRW said.
For their part, customs officials who were first alerted to the hazardous chemicals in 2014 and who could have acted unilaterally to remove the material from the port failed to take adequate steps to dispose of it, HRW said.
'I then forgot about it'
The Lebanese army, even after learning that the shipment's nitrogen grade classified it under local law as material used to manufacture explosives, "took no apparent steps to secure the material", the report said. Instead, it brushed off responsibility, saying it was not in need of the chemicals, even though under Lebanese law, army approval is required to import or inspect material used to manufacture explosives. Lebanon's State Security agency, which completed an investigation into the ammonium nitrate at the port before the explosion, was slow to report the threat to senior government officials and provided incomplete information about the dangers the chemical posed, HRW said. Then-prime minister Hassan Diab first started receiving reports of the ammonium nitrate shipment in June. "I then forgot about it, and nobody followed up. There are disasters every day," he told HRW. HRW said that the domestic investigation had been rendered "incapable of credibly delivering justice" and called for an investigation mission mandated by the U.N. Human Rights Council. That mission should "identify what triggered the explosion and whether there were failures in the obligation to protect the right to life", it said.

Aoun Tells Judiciary Not to Fear Immunities, Urges Peaceful Aug. 4 Anniversary
Naharnet/August 02/2021
President Michel Aoun on Tuesday called on the judiciary not to “fear immunities and protections” in the port blast case, as he said that the August 4 commemorations should not be “exploited” to “tamper with security and stability.”“On August 4 last year, the face of Beirut and many hearts were torn apart and innocent lives were lost,” Aoun said in an address to the nation on the eve of the deadly catastrophe’s first anniversary. He added that the scores of deaths could have been avoided had it not been for “the accumulation of negligence” and the inaction of several officials who “could have taken practical measures to eliminate the danger of the material that led to this disaster.”“From the depth of my conscience, I tell our beloved capital Beirut that the truth will appear and that every guilty person will be penalized. Beirut, you will rise again,” the President went on to say. Turning to the issue of investigations, Aoun said he supports “an honest and brave probe” and “fair trials.”“Yes to a strong judiciary which does not retreat in the face of any influential person, no matter their position,” the President added, noting that the judiciary “should not fear immunities and protections” in order to “fulfill justice and hold those who caused this blast accountable.”Referring to his recent statement that he is ready to appear before lead investigative judge Tarek al-Bitar, Aoun said that “when the head of the state puts himself at the disposal of the judiciary for his testimony to be heard, there remains no excuse for anyone to grant themselves any immunity or to hide behind any alibi, be it legal or political.”The President also called for Wednesday’s commemorations to be “responsible,” adding that the anniversary should not be “exploited to tamper with security and stability.”

Berri Urges Unveiling Side that Brought Nitrates, Blast Causes
Naharnet/August 02/2021
Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri on Tuesday called for identifying the side that imported the ammonium nitrate shipment that caused the catastrophic 2020 port explosion as well as the causes of the devastating blast. “Justice is neither a petition nor a bravado, but rather a daily challenge that can be achieved through the independence of the judiciary, the implementation of the constitution and the law, and rising with the martyrs’ cause and blood above any repugnant political, electoral or sectarian consideration,” Berri said in a statement marking the first anniversary of the tragic explosion. “From our political and legislative position we again say that we will accept nothing less than justice and the penalization of the culprits, whichever position they occupy and to whichever side they may belong, and the gateway to that would be the identification of the side that brought the nitrates of death into our capital Beirut as well as the causes of the blast,” the Speaker added. Berri also strongly reiterated that “there will be no immunity, protection or cover except for the martyrs, the law and the constitution.”The lead investigative judge probing the case, Tarek al-Bitar, has asked parliament to lift the parliamentary immunity of two former ministers who belong to Berri’s Amal Movement so that they can be questioned. Bitar is also seeking to prosecute the caretaker premier as well as two other former ministers and former security officials and judges.

Hariri Urges Transparent Int’l Probe, Lifting of ‘All’ Immunities
Naharnet/August 02/2021
aad Hariri said Tuesday, in a statement on the eve of the first anniversary of the Beirut port blast, that “the devastating blast isn’t a platform for verbal contests and political exploitation of the afflicted citizens’ grief.”He warned against “flooding the judicial track with populist directives to conceal the truth.”He urged to “liberate justice from political duels and media judgments” instead of “launching electoral campaigns and bribing the Lebanese public opinion with a justice on demand.”Hariri added that “justice has two bases: an international investigation committee, or suspending the legal and constitutional restrictions.”He added that the Special Tribunal for Lebanon has revealed the truth about the assassination of ex-Prime Minister Rafik Hariri and “determined the identity of the criminal,” but the truth about other murders remains unknown. He named Kamal Jumblat, Rashid Karami, Renee Moawad, Dany Chamoun, Elie Hobeika, Mufti Hassan Khaled, Nazim al-Qadri, as well as al-Salam and al-Taqwa mosques’ explosions. He also named Walid Eido, Samir Kassir, Gebran Tueni, George Hawi, Pierre Gemayel, Antoine Ghanem, François Hajj, Mohammed Shatah, Wissam al-Hassan, Wissam Eid and “dozens of other crimes.”Hariri also mentioned the assassination attempts on Marwan Hamadeh, May Chidiac and Elias Murr, pointing out that most of the crimes that were referred to the Judicial Council were “blown away by the political wind.” He cautioned that there will be no justice if the Beirut port crime gets “lost in the sea of consolation prizes to vent public anger.”“There is no justice without accountability, no accountability without truth, and no truth without a transparent international investigation or the lifting of immunities -- all immunities from the top of the pyramid to the bottom,” Hariri added. The ex-PM voiced his solidarity with Beirut and with the families of the victims, saying that August 4 is “a day of national grief” and concluding his statement with prayers for the victims, the country and the Lebanese afflicted by a pandemic amid an economic and financial crisis.

Diab: Who Brought the Ammonium Nitrate and Why?
Naharnet/August 02/2021
Caretaker Prime Minister Hassan Diab said Tuesday, in a statement on the eve of the first anniversary of the Beirut port blast, that the facts of the blast cannot be completely revealed “without clear answers to fundamental questions.”Diab inquired: “Who brought the ammonium nitrate and why? How and why did it stay for years? And how did the explosion happen?”He asked rhetorically “how can a human and patriotic conscience take advantage of the tears of the victims’ families for political or personal ends?”Diab stressed that “there will be no real justice in Lebanon if real justice is not served in the Beirut port blast case.”He also paid respect to the victims and prayed for the injured to heal and for Lebanon and the Lebanese.

ISG Urges Lebanon to Form Govt. that Implements 'Meaningful Reforms'
Naharnet/August 02/2021
The International Support Group for Lebanon (ISG) met on August 3, on the eve of the anniversary of the tragic explosions at the port of Beirut on 4 August 2020.
All members expressed their solidarity with the families of the victims, and with those whose lives and livelihoods have been affected. The ISG urged authorities to “swiftly complete the investigation into the port explosions, so that the truth may be known and justice rendered,” a statement said. The Group added that it has observed with deep concern “the accelerating economic deterioration that has severely affected all segments of Lebanese society, its institutions and services,” calling on authorities to “urgently take every possible step to improve the living conditions of the people of Lebanon.”The members also welcomed the upcoming conference co-chaired by France and the United Nations to address the humanitarian needs of Lebanon’s most vulnerable people. Noting that one year has now passed without a government, the ISG called on Lebanese leaders to “support without delay the formation of an empowered new government that implements meaningful reforms.”“The Group also recalled the importance of “holding elections on time in order to safeguard a democratic Lebanon and to restore the trust and hope of its people.”The International Support Group has brought together the United Nations and the governments of China, France, Germany, Italy, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom and the United States, together with the European Union and the Arab League. It was launched in September 2013 by the U.N. Secretary-General with former President Michel Suleiman to help mobilize support and assistance for Lebanon’s stability, sovereignty and state institutions.

Stolen Car Sparks Bomb Scare near Baabda Palace
Naharnet/August 02/2021
A stolen car raised suspicions Tuesday near the presidential palace in Baabda. “A patrol from the Republican Guard Brigade that was on a routine mission detected a suspicious car parked on the road leading to the Baabda Palace,” state-run National News Agency said. “The road was cordoned off while the car was searched and its documents were examined, after which it turned out that it had been stolen,” NNA added. The Republican Guard Brigade then handed over the vehicle to the Internal Security Forces for the necessary measures to be taken, the agency said, noting that the car “was not booby-trapped” as has been claimed by WhatsApp reports and some news websites.

France Targets $357 Million at Lebanon Aid Conference
Agence France Presse/August 02/2021
France has said a forthcoming conference on Lebanon needs to gather $357 million in aid to meet the most urgent needs of the battered country's population. The conference on Wednesday, co-hosted by President Emmanuel Macron and United Nations chief Antonio Guterres, coincides with the first anniversary of the blast that disfigured Beirut and killed more than 200 people. Former colonial power France has spearheaded international efforts to lift Lebanon out of crisis. A first conference in the immediate aftermath of the blast collected 280 million euros ($332 million at current rates). "The situation has worsened," Macron's office said on Monday. Citing a UN estimate, his office said Lebanon's new needs amounted to $357 million and concerned food security, education, health and clean water supply. World powers have made much of their help conditional on Lebanon installing a government capable of tackling corruption. A local probe into the catastrophe has yet to yield significant arrests or even identify a culprit, with politicians widely accused of stalling progress. In the past year, Lebanon has plunged into political and financial crisis and on Monday newly designated prime minister Najib Miqati said there was no chance of a cabinet lineup by mid-week to coincide with the anniversary. The institutional vacuum is holding up a potential financial rescue plan for Lebanon, which defaulted on its debt last year and has since sunk into what the World Bank has described as one of the world's worst crises since the mid-19th century. Wednesday's conference is to tackle emergency needs only and will not be concerned with structural financial assistance, Macron's office said.

A Year Since the Beirut Port Explosion – Investigation? Rehabilitation?
Tal Beeri/Alma's Blog/August 02/2021
http://eliasbejjaninews.com/archives/101076/%d9%85%d8%b1%d9%83%d8%b2-%d8%a3%d9%84%d9%85%d8%b2-%d9%84%d9%84%d8%a3%d8%a8%d8%ad%d8%a7%d8%ab-%d9%84%d9%87%d8%b0%d8%a7-%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%b3%d8%a8%d8%a8-%d8%ad%d8%b2%d8%a8-%d8%a7%d9%84%d9%84%d9%87-%d9%84/
Hezbollah has much to conceal concerning the events in Hangar 12 in the port of Beirut, and therefore will not allow a proper investigation to generate genuine results. On the other hand, the reconstruction of the port will yield great economic profits, therefore, the economic interests of the influential parties in Lebanon will cause the reconstruction to occur (needless to say, due to their gains deriving from the corruption…)
On August 4, 2020, exactly one year ago, 2,750 tons of ammonium nitrate destroyed the port of Beirut, which is the main gateway to Lebanon, claiming the lives of more than 200 people and causing enormous damage to properties in large parts of the capital Beirut. The expectation was, that in light of the magnitude of the disaster, the Lebanese authorities would file consolidated indictments against those responsible for the blast, decide on reforms and initiate vigorous rehabilitation work. However, Lebanon’s economic, social, and political situation, together with Hezbollah’s clear interest to incapacitate the investigation of the disaster, neutralizes and blocks any decisions regarding the matter.
As of today, a year after the blast, Lebanon’s government is still considered a transitional government, as a new government is yet to be appointed since the last government resigned following the blast. Saad al-Hariri, who was appointed the new prime minister, has failed over the past eight months to form a new government. On July 26, the mandate to form the new government was handed over to Najib Mikati. Fadi Sawan, the first Juge d’instruction appointed to investigate the explosion at the port, filed charges against Prime Minister Hassan Diab and three former ministers charged with negligence that led to the explosion: Ali Hassan Khalil (former Finance Minister, an Amal movement delegate, an ally of Hezbollah and the subject of U.S. sanctions on charges of corruption and affiliating with Hezbollah), Ghazi Zeiter (former Minister of Agriculture and Minister of Labor and Public Transportation, a member of Hezbollah’s tight circle, accused of favoring deals for Iranian-backed Shi’ite groups) and Youssef Fenianos (former Minister of Labor and Public Transportation, close to Hezbollah and subject to U.S. sanctions for his ties with Hezbollah and involvement in corruption scandals.
In February 2021, Sawan was removed from office for the “obstruction of justice”. Sawan’s dismissal caused a stir on social media in Lebanon, and many accused the Lebanese authorities of disrupting justice and the law. Sawan was replaced by Juge d’instruction Tarek Bitar. Despite fears that Bitar would experience a similar fate to his predecessor and be removed from the investigation, he continued in Sawan’s footsteps. Bitar filed charges, requesting parliament to lift parliamentary immunity from Diab, Khalil, Zeiter, and Fenianos. In addition, Bitar added two other senior officials to the list of accused: Abbas Ibrahim, General Director of the General Directorate of General Security, considered one of Lebanon’s most powerful men, and Nohad El Machnouk (former Interior Minister).
Despite Judge Bitar’s efforts to reach the truth, the Lebanese parliament is delaying the investigation. Representatives of the parliament told Lebanon’s public prosecutor, Ghassan al-Thuri, that parliament was refusing to remove the ministers’ parliamentary immunity. This follows the Lebanese Interior Minister’s statement that he refused to allow Abbas Ibrahim to be investigated. This decision of Parliament came as a serious blow to the investigation process, amid concerns among the victims’ families that the current judge will also find himself removed from the case.
It is our understanding that Parliament’s refusal and the Interior Minister’s refusal to carry out the investigation is a direct result of Nasrallah’s media campaign against Judge Bitar, and therefore comes as no surprise. In his speech on July 5, Nasrallah claimed that there were political goals behind the decisions to strip the accused of their immunity and that these were manipulations stemming from political interests, which he repeatedly rejected.
Simultaneously to the attempts to carry out the investigation, several local and international initiatives intending to rehabilitate Beirut’s port have emerged, but they too have not yet matured into action.
In April 2021, representatives of German companies presented a multibillion-dollar plan to rebuild the port and its surroundings. However, the German plans did not go beyond the proposal stage. France, too, wants to be involved in the reconstruction of the port, tying these efforts to the French initiative to solve the political and economic crisis in Lebanon (France insists on reforms and threatens to impose sanctions on those obstructing efforts to form a government). At the end of June 2021, it becomes known that Russian companies were in the final stages of advancing proposals for the restoration of the destroyed port, in addition to the restoration of other infrastructure throughout Lebanon, such as power plants, silos, and refineries.
In our assessment, in light of the current situation in Lebanon and because Hezbollah has a vested interest in disrupting the investigation of the explosion at the port, it will be very difficult to conduct an orderly investigation that will lead to actual results. As with another defining event in Lebanon, the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri in 2005, Hezbollah has much to hide regarding the port explosion. Many indications imply that Hezbollah operatives were involved in bringing the nitrate ammonium to Lebanon and storing it at the port and that it was intended for military use by Hezbollah and the Syrian regime. Other indications reveal that the compound at the port where the nitrate ammonium was stored (hangar 12) was a closed compound under the supervision of Hezbollah’s unit 112, which is responsible for the seaports and the airports of Lebanon.
In our opinion, Najib Mikati, assuming he succeeds in forming a government, will find it difficult to support a proper investigation into the port explosion. Najib Mikati is known, to say the least, as one who “does not like to confront Hezbollah”. In our assessment, an international investigative mechanism will also not be able to carry out its investigation and reach findings that would definitively point to the perpetrators. In this matter, the tribunal that investigated the assassination of Rafiq al-Hariri in 2005, can serve as an example. After about 15 years of investigation, the tribunal found it difficult to reach actual results and prove guilt, while being satisfied with the accusation of an alleged junior Hezbollah operative, whose location is unknown, while it is not even clear if this individuals’ identity is authentic.
As for the reconstruction efforts, we assume that they will actually be fulfilled. The economic potential for restoring the port of Beirut and rebuilding the affected parts of the city is enormous. Many Lebanese and international actors are interested in fulfilling this potential and are all interested in the economic benefits. In our estimation, many funds will be paid (or have already been paid) as bribes to officials in the Lebanese state, to politicians, and of course to Hezbollah. The construction of a port and its operation in exchange for a concession is a recognized mechanism all over the world. Companies from Russia, China, France, and Germany, backed by their governments, will strive to take over the rehabilitation of the port.
*Article written with the help of Dafna Messing.

The Latest English LCCC Miscellaneous Reports And News published on August 03-04/2021
Iranian hardliner Ebrahim Raisi inaugurated as president
The Arab Weekly/August 03/2021
TEHRAN--Ultraconservative Ebrahim Raisi was Tuesday inaugurated as president of Iran, a country whose hopes of shaking off a dire economic crisis hinge on reviving a nuclear deal with world powers and on stability at home. “Following the people’s choice, I task the wise, indefatigable, experienced and popular Hojatoleslam Ebrahim Raisi as president of the Islamic Republic of Iran,” Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei wrote in a decree read out by his chief of staff. Raisi replaces moderate president Hassan Rouhani, whose landmark achievement was the 2015 nuclear agreement between Iran and six major powers. From the outset, Raisi will have to tackle negotiations aimed at reviving the nuclear deal from which the US unilaterally withdrew imposing sweeping sanctions. Raisi, in his inaugural speech, said his government would seek to lift “oppressive” US sanctions, but would “not tie the nation’s standard of living to the will of foreigners”.The 60-year-old also faces the United States, Britain and Israel’s warnings to Iran over a deadly tanker attack last week for which Tehran denies responsibility. Raisi won a presidential election in June in which more than half the electorate stayed away after many political heavyweights were barred from standing. A former judiciary chief, he has been criticised by rights advocates and the Iranian opposition for his dismal human rights record, especially the sentencing and execution of dissidents. Traffic limitations were in force on streets around the inauguration venue with domestic air travel to and from the capital banned for two hours, media reports said. Tuesday’s ceremony marked Raisi’s formal accession to office. He will then be sworn in before parliament on Thursday when he is to submit his proposed government line-up.
Economic priority
Raisi’s presidency will consolidate power in the hands of conservatives following their 2020 parliamentary election victory, marked by the disqualification of thousands of reformist or moderate candidates. Last month, he called on parliament for “cooperation” to increase Iranians’ hope in the future. “I am very hopeful for the country’s future and confident that it is possible to overcome difficulties and limitations,” he said at the time.
Iran’s economic woes, exacerbated by US sanctions, will be the new president’s top challenge, said Clement Therme, a researcher at the European University Institute in Italy.
“His main objective will be to improve the economic situation by reinforcing the Islamic republic’s economic relations with neighbouring countries” and others such as Russia and China, Therme said. The 2015 deal saw Iran accept curbs on its nuclear capabilities in return for an easing of sanctions. But then US president Donald Trump withdrew from the accord three years later and ramped up sanctions again, prompting Tehran to pull back from most of its nuclear commitments. Trump’s successor Joe Biden has signalled his readiness to return to the deal and engaged in indirect negotiations with Iran alongside formal talks with the accord’s remaining parties, Britain, China, France, Germany and Russia. The US sanctions have choked Iran and its vital oil exports and the economy contracted by more than six percent in both 2018 and 2019. In the winter of 2017-2018 and again in 2019, street protests sparked by the economic crisis rocked the country. And last month, demonstrators in oil-rich Khuzestan province, which has been hit by drought, took to the streets to vent their anger.
Tanker attack
On the foreign front, tensions have escalated recently after the United States and Britain joined Israel in blaming Tehran for a tanker attack off Oman last Thursday that killed a British security guard and a Romanian crew member. The United States vowed an “appropriate response”, while Iran warned Monday that it will respond to any “adventurism”. The economic malaise has been exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic, which has officially cost more than 90,000 lives and also hit many Iranians in the pocket.
In his final cabinet meeting on Sunday, Rouhani defended his track record but apologised over the “hardships” Iranians have had to endure. After his election, Raisi made clear that his key foreign policy would be to improve ties with regional countries.
In mid-July, Rouhani said he hoped his successor can clinch a deal to lift US sanctions and conclude nuclear talks. But Khamenei, whose word is final in policy matters, has warned against trusting the West. Raisi has already said he will not hold talks simply for the sake of negotiations. His government will only support talks that “guarantee national interests”, the incoming president said. Six rounds of nuclear talks between Iran and world powers were held in Vienna between April and June. The last round concluded on June 20 and no date has been set for a resumption.

Iran Ultraconservative Raisi Inaugurated as President
Agence France Presse/August 03/2021
Ultraconservative Ebrahim Raisi was Tuesday inaugurated as president of Iran, a country whose hopes of shaking off a dire economic crisis hinges on reviving a nuclear deal with world powers. "Following the people's choice, I task the wise, indefatigable, experienced and popular Hojatoleslam Ebrahim Raisi as president of the Islamic Republic of Iran," Iran's supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei wrote in a decree read out by his chief of staff. Raisi replaces moderate president Hassan Rouhani, whose landmark achievement was the 2015 nuclear agreement between Iran and six major powers. From the outset, Raisi will have to tackle negotiations aimed at reviving the nuclear deal from which the U.S. unilaterally withdrew imposing sweeping sanctions. The 60-year-old also faces the United States, Britain and Israel's warnings to Iran over a deadly tanker attack last week for which Tehran denies responsibility. Raisi, in his inauguration speech, said the new government would seek to lift "oppressive" US sanctions, but would "not tie the nation's standard of living to the will of foreigners". "We believe the people's economic position is unfavorable both because of the hostility of our enemies and because of the shortcomings and problems inside the country," he said. In his response, Khamenei acknowledged Iran suffered from "many shortcomings and problems," but quickly added: "The country's capabilities are even more numerous. "Fixing economic problems takes time and cannot be done overnight," he said. Raisi won a presidential election in June in which more than half the electorate stayed away after many heavyweights were barred from standing. A former judiciary chief, he has been criticized by the West for his human rights record. Tuesday's ceremony marked Raisi's formal accession to office. He will next be sworn in before parliament on Thursday when he is to submit his proposed government line-up.
Economy top challenge
Raisi's presidency will consolidate power in the hands of conservatives following their 2020 parliamentary election victory, marked by the disqualification of thousands of reformist or moderate candidates. Iran's economic woes, exacerbated by U.S. sanctions, will be the new president's top challenge, said Clement Therme, a researcher at the European University Institute in Italy. "His main objective will be to improve the economic situation by reinforcing the Islamic republic's economic relations with neighboring countries" and others such as Russia and China, Therme said. The 2015 deal saw Iran accept curbs on its nuclear capabilities in return for an easing of sanctions. But then U.S. president Donald Trump withdrew from the accord three years later and ramped up sanctions again, prompting Tehran to pull back from most of its nuclear commitments.
Trump's successor Joe Biden has signalled his readiness to return to the deal and engaged in indirect negotiations with Iran alongside formal talks with the accord's remaining parties -- Britain, China, France, Germany and Russia.
The U.S. sanctions have choked Iran and its vital oil exports, and the economy contracted by more than six percent in both 2018 and 2019.
- U.S. warns of 'appropriate response' -
In the winter of 2017-2018, and again in 2019, street protests sparked by the economic crisis rocked the country. And last month, demonstrators in oil-rich Khuzestan province, which has been hit by drought, took to the streets to vent their anger.
On the foreign front, tensions have escalated after the United States and Britain joined Israel in blaming Tehran for a tanker attack off Oman last Thursday that killed a British security guard and a Romanian crew member. The United States vowed an "appropriate response", while Iran warned Monday that it will respond to any "adventurism". The economic malaise has been exacerbated by the coronavirus pandemic, which has officially cost more than 90,000 lives and also hit many Iranians in the pocket. In his final cabinet meeting on Sunday, Rouhani defended his track record but apologised over the "hardships" Iranians have had to endure. After his election, Raisi made clear that his key foreign policy would be to improve ties with regional countries. In mid-July, Rouhani said he hoped his successor can clinch a deal to lift U.S. sanctions and conclude nuclear talks. But Khamenei, whose word is final in policy matters, has warned against trusting the West. Raisi has already said he will not hold talks simply for the sake of negotiations. His government will only support talks that "guarantee national interests", the incoming president said.

NATO Warns Iran to Respect Shipping after Tanker Attack
Agence France Presse/August 03/2021
The NATO alliance Tuesday condemned a deadly attack on an Israeli-operated tanker last week, and urged Iran to respect international shipping rules.Separately, the European Union also condemned the "unacceptable" attack and "any action that would be detrimental to peace and stability in this area". The United States, Britain and Israel say Iran launched the attack on the vessel, MV Mercer Street, off the coast of Oman last week, killing a British security guard and a Romanian crew member. Iran, which inaugurated ultraconservative Ebrahim Raisi as its new president on Tuesday, denies involvement. It has warned it would respond to any "adventurism" from its western foes. Britain and Romania are allies in NATO, alongside the United States which has promised to lead a "collective response" to the incident. On Tuesday, a NATO spokesman "strongly condemned" the attack. "Freedom of navigation is vital for all NATO Allies, and must be upheld in accordance with international law," NATO spokesman Dylan White said. "The United Kingdom, the United States, and Romania have concluded that Iran is highly likely responsible for this incident. "Allies remain concerned by Iran's destabilizing actions in the region, and call on Tehran to respect its international obligations."EU foreign affairs spokeswoman Nabila Massrali told reporters: "The exact circumstances of this attack have to be clarified. And we take note of investigations carried out by the United States, the UK and Israel. "This is an action that was against a freedom of navigation in this area and of course, unacceptable."

Israeli Court's Compromise Would Avoid Palestinian Evictions
Associated Press/August 03/2021
Israel's Supreme Court has floated compromises that would block the evictions of dozens of Palestinians in the east Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah, where attempts by Jewish settlers to expel them from their homes helped spark an 11-day war between Israel and Gaza militants in May. The cases examined Monday involved four Palestinian families, numbering a total of about 70 people. The settlers have been waging a decades-long campaign to evict the families from densely populated Palestinian neighborhoods just outside the walls of the Old City, in one of the most sensitive parts of east Jerusalem.
The settlers say the homes are built on land that was owned by Jews prior to the 1948 war surrounding Israel's creation. Israeli law allows Jews to reclaim such property, a right denied to Palestinians who lost lands and homes in the same conflict. The Palestinians say they have owned the properties for decades.
The cases have been swirling through the legal system for years, and lower courts have approved the evictions of the four families. The Supreme Court had been scheduled to issue its ruling in May, but delayed its decision after the attorney general, in light of heightened tensions, requested more time to consider the cases. During Monday's hearing, the Supreme Court proposed a pair of compromises, according to Ir Amim, a Jerusalem human rights group that supports the Palestinians and which sat in on the hearing. It said the first proposal offered the residents "protected" status, meaning they would be protected from eviction for years in exchange for recognizing the settlers' ownership over the land. This offer would allow the four families the right to pass down their properties for two generations. But after the four families rejected the proposition, the court proposed an alternative settlement where the four families would receive protected status while instead acknowledging that Israel once registered the properties with previous Jewish owners, according to Ir Amim. It said the settlers rejected that proposal, while the families asked for more time to consider it.
"The settlement was very challenging, especially with the implied acknowledgment of the ownership of the other side," said Ahmad Amara, a consultant to the residents' legal team. He said the court gave the sides one week to respond.
The plight of the Sheikh Jarrah families has drawn widespread international attention and criticism of what Palestinians and human rights groups say are discriminatory Israeli property laws aimed at pushing Palestinians out of Jerusalem to preserve its Jewish majority. The Israeli rights group B'Tselem and the New York-based Human Rights Watch both pointed to such policies as an example of what they say has become an apartheid regime. Weeks of unrest — highlighted by heavy-handed Israeli police tactics against residents and demonstrators who supported them — contributed to the heightened tensions that erupted into war on May 10, when Hamas militants in Gaza, claiming to be defenders of the holy city, fired a barrage of rockets toward Jerusalem.A cease-fire took effect May 21, but the long-running campaign by Jewish settlers to evict dozens of Palestinian families continued.
The threatened evictions fueled protests and clashes in the run-up to the war and pose a test for Israel's new governing coalition, which includes three pro-settlement parties and a small Islamist faction. For the sake of unity, the government has tried to sideline Palestinian issues to avoid internal divisions. During a visit to the region in May, U.S. Secretary of State Anthony Blinken urged Israel to refrain from moves that could reignite tensions, including the Sheikh Jarrah evictions. Israel has determined the homes were owned by Jews before the 1948 war surrounding the country's creation.
After that war, Jordan controlled east Jerusalem. The families, who were made refugees during the 1948 war, say that Jordanian authorities offered them their homes in exchange for giving up their refugee status. Things changed after Israel captured east Jerusalem, along with the West Bank and Gaza, in the 1967 Mideast war, and annexed it in a move not recognized internationally. The Palestinians want all three territories for their future state and view east Jerusalem as their capital. In 1972, settler groups told the families that they were trespassing on Jewish-owned land. That was the start of a long legal battle that in recent months has culminated with eviction orders against 36 families in Sheikh Jarrah and two other east Jerusalem neighborhoods. Israeli rights groups say other families are also vulnerable, estimating that more than 1,000 Palestinians are at risk of being evicted.

Saif al-Islam’s candidacy could worry Haftar, split LNA ranks
The Arab Weekly/August 03/2021
TRIPOLI--As soon as Saif al-Islam Gadhafi gave his first interview saying that he wanted to return to political life and attacked the political class in Libya, parliament’s speaker Ageela Saleh, who is linked to Libyan National Army (LNA) commander Khalifa Haftar, was quick to reject the political renaissance of anyone wanted by justice.
Saleh said that “a person sentenced by the International Criminal Court is not entitled to run for the presidency of the Libyan state.”His statement came during a discussion by members of the House of Representatives of the draft law on presidential candidacies, Monday in Tobruk, including the provision that “(the candidate) shall not be convicted of a felony or a crime against honour.”Salih asked the deputies: “Should a person sentenced by the International Criminal Court, run for the presidency?”
He answered his own question, saying: “As long as he is sentenced that’s enough … He has no right to run and the texts must be clear and reasonable.”According the International Crimnal Court in The Hague, Saif al-Islam Gadhafi is the subject of an arrest warrant issued on 27 June 2011 on two counts of “crimes against humanity”. “The case,” says the ICC on its website, “remains in the pre-trial stage, pending Saif Al-Islam Gaddafi’s transfer to the seat of the Court in The Hague.”
But no sentence has been handed down against him by the ICC.
Talking to the New York Times earlier this month Gadhafi said, “It is time for a return to the past. The country … it’s on its knees … There’s no money, no security. There’s no life here.” He said in the interview that he was a free man organising a political return and that his former Zintani captors “are now my friends”.Addressing the restrictions that might bar him from running, Gadhafi said he was confident that these legal issues could be negotiated away if a majority of the Libyan people choose him as their leader. He told the NYT journalist: “I’ve been away from the Libyan people for ten years. You need to come back slowly, slowly. Like a striptease. You need to play with their minds a little.”Even if Gadhafi has not formally announced his candidacy in the presidential elections scheduled for this December, his representatives at the Political Dialogue Forum worked in coordination with Haftar’s supporters to abolish any conditions restricting presidential candidacies. One was that no serving officers could stand. The local UN organisation, UNSMIL has urged the compromise that an officer could stand on condition that he resigned his commission if elected. Among the circumstances that impede Gadhafi’s own candidacy is the unconfirmed 2015 sentence by the Tripoli Court that he be executed by firing squad. He is also wanted by the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity. Nevertheless, the younger Gadhafi is convinced of his ability to overcome all these legal obstacles. His supporters have organised social media campaigns with the hashtag “We nominated you” and formed the so-called “We nominated you for Libya” movement. There have been two distinct campaigns, the last of which was run in November 2020.
There is no doubt that Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar’s camp would be the most affected by a return of Saif al-Islam. The LNA has allied itself since the end of 2014 with officers of the security battalions affiliated with the Gadhafi regime and has integrated their members into its forces. Saif al-Islam’s return may cause a rift in the ranks of the LNA, especially if he was tempted to force his way to power with Russian support. In any event, if he manages to enter the presidential election race, he will represent Haftar’s most prominent rival. This explains Haftar’s concern at the danger that Saif al-Islam poses to his own political ambitions, not least since he became his father’s enemy after he was captured during the old regime’s disastrous 1987 campaign in Chad.
Russia has a proxy presence in Libya in the form of mercenaries from the Wagner Group. There have been reports that Moscow has also deployed a small number of regular forces.
This Russian military engagement, although apparently favouring Haftar, could shift towards the younger Gadhafi. Analysts say Haftar’s recent statement that all foreign mercenaries must leave Libya “without exception” and his agreement on Friday to open the coastal road between east and west, after repeatedly obstructing this in the past, reflect the beginning of a change in his strategy in favour of relative rapprochement with the Government of National Unity. Those who believe Moscow supports Gadhafi, point out to the fact the Russian president’s envoy to the Middle East and Africa, Mikhail Bogdanov, saw Miftah al-Werfalli and Omar Abu Sherida, as representatives of the “Saif al-Islam Movement” in Moscow last January. It is also not excluded that Gadhafi’s return to the political arena will lead to the formation of new and heterogeneous alliances between yesterday’s enemies. But since 2011, die-hard Gadhafi supporters have lost most of the military battles they fought against the Western Libyan Brigades or Haftar. Will Saif al-Islam be able to bring them together, or will it further divide the country?

Algeria’s stance on developments in Tunisia raises questions
The Arab Weekly/August 03/2021
TUNIS--Moves by Algerian Foreign Minister Ramtane Lamamra in recent days have raised questions about Algeria’s position on the developments in Tunisia, with emerging evidence of Algerian concern at the rival roles that France and some Arab countries may be playing in its backyard.
Algerian political analysts said that Lamamra’s visit to Tunisia, then to Egypt, then back to Tunisia and the two contacts made by Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune with Tunisian President Kais Saied in less than a week seem to confirm that Algeria is concerned about developments it did not expect in its eastern neighbour.
The analysts believe that during all the political crises that Tunisia has experienced since 2011, Algeria has been close to the Islamists and has always been pushing to maintain a situation where they are part of the political balances in Tunisia, but without them being the leading player. Algeria believes that Islamists, who are looking for regional backing, can serve its interests as they seek to secure their survival. The same approach extends to the Islamists in Libya who have long sought to bring Algeria on their side in a regional landscape where they are viewed with suspicion.
The Algerians see recent decisions taken by Kais Saied, which are aimed at ending Tunisia’s deep political and economic crisis, as potentially threatening to Algeria’s considerations. Analysts point out that this is all the more so since the opening of probes into illicit electoral funding, which may further undermine the political and legal standing of Islamist party of Ennahda Movement and its Qalb Tounes ally.
Algerian observers say that Algiers is seeking to reassure Tunisia that it is a steady ally and is working to curtail French, Egyptian and Gulf influence. These observers say Algeria is worried about the possible swaying of Tunisia by rival powers who could marginalise Algeria’s role; and this is reflected in Lamamra’s diplomatic moves, especially during his visit to Egypt. Since Kais Saied assumed the presidency after the October 2019 elections and his public struggle over prerogatives with the head of the Ennahda movement, Rached Ghannouchi, Algeria has been watching without interfering in favour of one side or the other. Some Tunisians complain that their neighbour could have been more helpful in alleviating the repercussions of the economic crisis they face.
Tunisian activists also believe that, regardless of Algeria’s own interests, their country is entitled to choose how to resolve its crisis, first by ending Islamists’ domination and secondly by seeking regional partners who will be able to provide greater financial and investment support than Algeria has so far offered.
On Sunday, the Tunisian president hinted that there is a willingness by regional countries, without naming them, to provide generous support to Tunisia and help it overcome the economic and financial crisis. This is a clear reference to the Arab Gulf countries that had come up with substantial support to Egypt and then later to Sudan after Islamists were removed from power.
During his meeting with Central Bank Governor Marwan Abassi, President Saied praised the “sincere stand of brotherly and friendly countries to offset the financial imbalances and help Tunisia meet its internal and external financial obligations.”
“Praise be to God, we have sincere brothers who stand by us in all fields, especially in the security and economic fields,” Saied said, in a statement put out by his office.
Algerian analysts speculate that Algeria’s concern over growing Gulf influence in Tunisia prompted the withdrawal of the local licence of the Saudi-owned “Al Arabiya” TV channel. This move was seen as being linked to the Saturday visit to Tunis of Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan who voiced the kingdom’s readiness to back Tunisia. Algeria is trying to maintain its influence in Tunisia and Libya, two countries where stability was shaken by the “Arab spring” upheaval. Algiers felt its national security was under threat, not only because of the increase in the capabilities of terrorist groups, but also because of its resentment of the military presence on its borders of countries such as France, Turkey and Russia. On Sunday evening, the Algerian foreign minister met the Tunisian president and relayed a message from the Algerian president, 24 hours after a phone call between Saied and Tebboune.
Saied reassured his Algerian counterpart that “Tunisia is on the right path to consolidating democracy and pluralism and there will be important decisions soon,” without giving further details.Tebboune was the first Arab president to call his Tunisian counterpart after Saied’s July 25 suspension of the activities of parliament, the lifting of immunity from members, the dissolution of the government and the assumption of executive powers.
Tunisia experts believe that Kais Saied succeeded in dispelling the fears of most external parties, including the United States. They note that his main concern was to confirm that his decisions were indeed in conformity with the Constitution, that the changes were aimed at ending political conflicts and restoring the state’s credibility, and that he had no intent to curtail liberties. These experts add that Tunisian public opinion opposes foreign pressures on their government, especially since the decisions of Kais Saied have been widely supported at home and there has been unprecedented resentment towards the previous political system, which was dominated by Ennahda.

The Latest LCCC English analysis & editorials published on August 03-04/2021
إيمانويل أوتولينغي/مؤسسة الدفاع عن الديموقراطيات: رجل المشانق والجلاد إبراهيم رئيسي أصبح رئيساً لجمهورية إيران الملالي
Hangman-in-chief/Ebrahim Raisi was elected as the next president of Iran
Emanuele Ottolenghi/Longitude/FDD/August 02/2021
http://eliasbejjaninews.com/archives/101083/emanuele-ottolenghi-longitude-fdd-hangman-in-chief-ebrahim-raisi-was-elected-as-the-next-president-of-iran-%d8%a5%d9%8a%d9%85%d8%a7%d9%86%d9%88%d9%8a%d9%84-%d8%a3%d9%88%d8%aa%d9%88%d9%84%d9%8a%d9%86/
Iranian presidential elections have rarely mattered. Both the past victory of the so-called reformists and now the restoration of a tailor made presidency to consolidate the regime, portray something similar to the hangman word game, where one has to guess the word an opponent is thinking of, before the gradual drawing of a stick figure condemned to the gallows.
On June 18, 2021, Ebrahim Raisi was elected as the next president of Iran. Western observers routinely wonder how presidential elections might impact Iran’s regional posture and nuclear talks. In fact, results have rarely mattered.
Regardless of who’s president, Iran has been on a steady path to nuclear weapons’ capability, regional hegemony, and support for terrorism since its 1979 revolution. This time is no different. Raisi was selected – and his access to the presidency engineered – to ensure regime consolidation and continuity, as Iran faces both unprecedented challenges and opportunities.
Regime Consolidation. The elected institutions of the Islamic Republic no doubt fulfill a more meaningful role than rubberstamp parliaments in other authoritarian regimes such as Syria, but the president of Iran does not have the last word on the key foreign policy and national security issues that concern Western capitals. Raisi is no different. In fact, his track record suggests this time there will be an even closer alignment between the elected presidency and the unelected, clerical hierarchy ruling Iran.
Raisi is a lackluster cleric, whose main claim to fame is his membership in the death commission charged with sending thousands to their death in the summer of 1988. As Iran was emerging from the Iran-Iraq War, its late, and by then ailing Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khomeini, instigated a purge of political dissidents, both real and imaginary, that led to the systematic slaughter of thousands inside Iran’s prisons, including political prisoners as young as thirteen.
Not only did Raisi play a key role in the 1988 massacres. As the deputy head of Iran’s judiciary in 2009, he also supervised the brutal repression of pro-democracy activists that followed that year’s elections. Promoted to the role of chief of the judiciary in 2019, he further oversaw the repression of dissent that led to at least 1,500 documented deaths in November 2019, as protests erupted once again against the regime.
In short, Raisi is the Islamic Revolution’s hangman. His entire career in office, as a powerful figure of Iran’s judiciary, is associated with the regime’s repressive apparatus, something which earned him U.S. human rights’ sanctions under the Trump Administration. He also ran, from 2016 to 2019, the powerful Astan Quds Razavi religious foundation, a business empire centered around the Shi’a religious shrine of Mashad, which feeds directly into the discretionary funds of the office of the Supreme Leader. He has the power of the purse, the sword, and now, the crown.
As a faithful executioner of the regime’s revolutionary vision, he will be the Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei’s yes man, and in a privileged position to groom himself as his successor when the time comes. Khamenei is in his eighties and in poor health. He wanted a regime loyalist to take the presidency so as to secure the regime powerbase and avoid the risk of a power vacuum were he to die.
In the past, Iran’s leaders took some calculated risks with elections – most notably in 1997, when they allowed a reformist candidate, Mohammad Khatami to win. The regime has used elections in the past to balance different power centers and offer a safety valve to its restive population by creating the illusion of democratic empowerment through the ballot box. The circumstances were very different though and even then, Khatami was not a man to challenge the repressive apparatus when protests erupted for more radical change than he was willing to contemplate. Nevertheless, the possibility of divergence between an elected office and the clerical guardians of the revolution has always been there, especially as figures like the late Rafsanjani – president between 1989 and 1997 – moved into the presidential office from a strong clerical and financial powerbase and impeccable revolutionary credentials.
Ultimately, elections serve the goal of ensuring regime legitimacy and its long-term survival. This time, with both unprecedented challenges and opportunities at its doorstep, and the specter of a power vacuum looming on the horizon, the regime took no chances and ensured these elections would largely be an elaborate pageant with a pre-established outcome.
Raisi did not win a popularity contest – the turnout was at its lowest in the short history of the Islamic Republic, below 50 percent. And many of those who did vote cast a blank ballot to express their anger at the lack of real choice. In short, Raisi barely won the hardcore loyalist base of the regime.
Nothing changes then. Raisi will likely preside over the country’s transition from Khamenei’s reign to his successor – who could turn out to be Raisi himself. That, more than anything else, is the significance of last month’s elections.
Sanctions relief, regional challenges, and nuclear talks. It is likely, though by no means guaranteed, that by the time Raisi takes office in August, the Vienna talks will have yielded a new nuclear deal. Under such circumstances, Iran will resume compliance with the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or JCPOA, and the United States will lift sanctions reimposed by the Trump Administration after May 2018.
There are numerous uncertainties still governing negotiations and their outcome. Assuming the talks yield a result, Raisi will preside over Iran’s return to international finance and business. Global economic prospects in the months ahead signal fast economic growth as the global economy rebounds from the COViD-19 pandemic. That includes an already detectable spike in oil prices, as industrial production and global travel quickly return to pre-pandemic levels. Iran’s oil sales this year, despite ongoing sanctions, already show promise for its beleaguered oil sector. If sanctions were removed, Iran’s large reserves would not significantly impact global prices as appetite for oil to fuel the engine of economic recovery is strong.
The lifting of sanctions will thus provide economic relief to a regime that has been under pressure from 2017 onwards as the Trump Administration turned its screws on its economy and a shrinking GDP led to growing popular discontent and unrest at home.
Raisi, however, will not seek to channel revenue to domestic economic growth to fend off popular discontent. Rampant corruption in the bloated public sector and the growing dominance of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps across Iran’s economy make it unlikely that the benefits of sanctions’ relief will evenly trickle down to ordinary Iranians. Besides, the regime – regardless of who was president – has never chosen to divert resources from its core national security and ideological interests in favor of development, growth, infrastructure, and good governance.
Prioritizing national security and revolutionary ideals over domestic prosperity – guns, not butter – has important implications for Western policymakers. Iran has been adamant that it will not negotiate a regional retreat, especially at a time when, after nearly two decades of conflicts in the region, it has successfully consolidated its influence in the near abroad.
Despite sanctions and international pressure over the past two decades, Iran has managed to undermine American influence in Iraq and stalemate its rival, Saudi-led Gulf adversaries in Yemen. Iran also saved its allies, the Assad family, in Syria and turned the alliance into a patron-client relation to Iran’s net gain.
It has successfully cloned the Hezbollah model elsewhere, by creating and strengthening proxies in Syria, Yemen, and Iraq. It has so far managed to resist pressure from inside and outside Lebanon to curtail Hezbollah’s influence. And despite, or perhaps because of Lebanon’s deepening economic crisis, Iran has managed to ensure its terror proxy Hezbollah remains the indispensable player on the Lebanese domestic scene. Iran has also sustained Palestinian rejectionism in Gaza and enhanced Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad’s fighting capabilities.
Iran continues to project power beyond the region in pursuit of its revolutionary goals. Two decades of sanctions and economic downturn have not interfered with programs to export the Iranian revolution overseas. Iranian propaganda activities continue unimpeded globally, so much so that the Trump Administration, in its waning days, felt compelled to sanction Al Mustafa International University, a key propaganda arm of the regime abroad.
Iran continues to meddle in Africa and Latin America too. Washington does not seem too focused on the mounting wave of anti-imperialist Bolivarianism returning to power in country after country of the Western Hemisphere and Iran, having relentlessly cultivated friendships among anti-American movements in the region will now bank on the election of a Bolivarian candidate in Peru, and the likely return of leftist candidates to power in Brazil and Chile in the next 24 months.
Iran continues to build its nuclear weapons’ capabilities by developing its ballistic missile program – the key delivery vector for a nuclear bomb. U.S. sanctions relief will likely benefit Iran’s procurement networks and reduce Western ability to block Iran’s efforts to obtain advanced technology for its missile program.
Finally, beyond the missile program, Iran has never stopped angling for nuclear weapons’ capability. Key findings from Iran’s nuclear archives – which Israel smuggled out of Tehran in 2018 – prove Iran’s continuing interest in the military dimensions of a nuclear program. More ominously, Iran’s JCPOA violations in the nuclear program sector – which the International Atomic Energy Agency has diligently documented in its quarterly reports – mean that even if Iran returns to full compliance of the 2015 agreement, the knowledge and experience its nuclear scientists have acquired cannot be undone.
Raisi or no Raisi. What it means, for Western policymakers. The election of Raisi may reveal much about the inner workings of the Islamic Republic’s power structure. But as with previous presidents, it matters little in policy terms. Despite Iran’s current precarious economic situation, the regime has so far steadied the ship of state and fended off any challenge from the street. Though protests, civil disobedience, and sectoral strikes continue to highlight the shrinking nature of the regime’s powerbase, there is no immediate domestic threat to regime survival. The guards continue to have a monopoly over the economy; the religious establishment self-funds through the opulent foundations it controls; and the overarching clerical structure that guides the country is impervious to change and now under the dual stewardship of its Supreme Leader and his loyal next president.
Regionally, Iran can look back to the last two decades as a period of ascendency, not decline in its status, influence, and reach. On the horizon, it sees U.S. power waning, as U.S. forces retreat from Afghanistan a decade after withdrawing from Iraq. In Gaza, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria, and Yemen, its proxies and assets have strengthened, not weakened, Iran’s aspirations as a regional hegemon. Though Gulf monarchies remain aligned with Washington, Iran has managed to draw Qatar closer to its orbit, ensure that Kuwait stays on the fence and that Oman continues to play a mediator’s role on its behalf with Iran’s adversaries. Meanwhile, U.S. staunch support for Saudi Arabia under the Trump Administration has now morphed into a more tepid commitment from Washington to Riyad, something Tehran is sure to try and bank on.
On the nuclear front, having survived four years of fresh sanctions and economic setbacks due to the lost dividends of the JCPOA, Iran is now on the cusp of getting Washington to remove the main impediments to an economic revival. If that were to happen, the regime would have the wind in its sails like never before.
That is why one should not have any illusions about Iran’s new president.
It is not just that he belongs more to a trial room of the International Criminal Court than a presidential palace. He is the man tasked to shepherd the Islamic Republic into the post-Khamenei era and ensure that the goals of its revolution and regional hegemonic aspirations continue to be met.
Expect no less from him. And if that takes a bit of hanging dissidents to achieve, he has the mettle to do it.
*Emanuele Ottolenghi is a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a non-partisan think tank in Washington focusing on foreign policy and national security issues. Follow him on Twitter @eottolenghi.

L’État criminel et l’inévitable internationalisation
Charles Elias Chartouni/August 03/2021
شارل الياس شرتوني: الدولة القاتلة وحتمية التدويل
http://eliasbejjaninews.com/archives/101081/charles-elias-chartouni-letat-criminel-et-linevitable-internationalisation-%d8%b4%d8%a7%d8%b1%d9%84-%d8%a7%d9%84%d9%8a%d8%a7%d8%b3-%d8%b4%d8%b1%d8%aa%d9%88%d9%86%d9%8a-%d8%a7%d9%84/
Il a fallu cette explosion criminelle du 4 août 2020, pour que le mythe de l’État et de l’État de droit, a fortiori, vole en fumée et que les libanais soient renvoyés, une fois pour toutes, aux réalités d’un pays qui se décompose au profit des vides stratégiques cumulés d’un proche orient déliquescent. La supercherie de l’enquête criminelle et juridique tient à la fausseté des prémisses de départ, à la servilité de l’appareil juridique, et à la politique de terreur montée en épingle par les fascismes chiites. Les données fournies par l’enquête judiciaire quant au transport du matériel explosif, les omissions volontaires des autorités portuaires, la trajectoire de ces produits, les complicités croisées des ministres, députés et hauts fonctionnaires, les lenteurs et caractère occulte de la démarche judiciaire, les gesticulations vides de l’ordre des avocats et l’usurpation de la représentation arrachée aux familles des victimes, le double jeu du ministre de la justice, Marie Claude Najm, le cynisme et complicités des présidents de la république, du conseil et du parlement( Michel Aoun, Hassan Diab et Nabih Berri), et les menaces émises par les protagonistes du fascisme chiite, sont suffisamment étayés pour attester la mort clinique d’un État qui a cédé tous ses attributs de souveraineté aux acteurs du coup d’État monté par le Hezbollah, ses acolytes et subordonnés.
Cette explosion est le point culminant d’une stratégie de subversion qui bien au delà du démantèlement des institutions de l’État, vise la légitimité nationale du pays et sa raison d’être. Cet acte de terreur suprême n’est pas un acte isolé, qu’on expliquerait moyennant des scénarios hypothétiques, alors qu’en réalité, il n’est que l’émanation d’une stratégie de subversion, et un acte de guerre totale qui vise le changement des dynamiques politiques moyennant des remaniements urbain, socio-économique et démographique déjà enclenchés. L’heuristique judiciaire en cours opère sur la base d’oblitérations méthodologique et factuelle dont le but est de dévier le parcours de l’enquête et amortir les ondes de choc de ce traumatisme, le réduire aux registres psycho-somatiques et en neutraliser la charge politique. Le fait d’avoir preempté l’internationalisation de l’enquête criminelle et judiciaire, les remaniements sur la scène du crime, la promulgation de l’extraterritorialité juridique des ministres, députés et fonctionnaires incriminés par les données de l’enquête en cours, ont fini par sceller la mort de l’État de droit au bénéfice d’un État criminel manipulé par des collaborateurs cooptés aux divers échelons d’une administration corrompue.
La grande défaillance tient au fait que les organismes de défense des victimes, les ONG locale et internationale, et les Églises ont cédé à la terreur des fascismes chiites et leurs complices au niveau de l’État, en renonçant à l’internationalisation de la question. La nature politique du crime, la complexité des enjeux logistique et technique, l’incompétence professionnelle et l’instrumentalisation des services sécuritaires libanais, et le caractère saillant d’un crime contre les droits humanitaires, rendent cet acte de terreur inévitablement justiciable auprès de la cour criminelle internationale. Quelle abomination de se rendre compte, un an après, de ce ratage, et de renvoyer aux calendes grecques un devoir de justice, une dette morale et un impératif politique, la justice internationale est notre seule chance, alors que toute autre alternative relève de la diversion et de la complicité.
The criminal state and the inevitable internationalization
It took this criminal explosion of August 4, 2020, for the myth of the rule and rule of law, a fortiori, to fly in smoke and the Lebanese would be sent back, once and for all, to the realities of a country that breaks down for the benefit of the aggregate strategic empties of a deliquescent close orientation. The trickery of criminal and legal investigation is due to the falsehood of departure premises, the servility…

Were Saied’s moves preemptive?
Habib Lassoued/The Arab Weekly/August 03/2021
In 1987, Tunisia’s Islamic Tendency Movement was preparing to carry out a military coup against the regime of the late President Habib Bourguiba. They set November 8 as the date for their move. But then-Prime Minister and Minister of the Iinterior Zine El Abidine Ben Ali picked up the details and preempted the plot. The movement’s leaders were later released from prisons. Some of them had been rescued from the gallows, including Rached Ghannouchi, whom Bourguiba wanted executed as he saw in him a danger to the state and to social peace.
In May 1991, there was the discovery of another plot led by the Ennahda movement to carry out a coup against the Ben Ali regime involving 244 officers and non-commissioned officers, including three of the six assistant chiefs of staff.
The plot further strained the relationship between the movement and state institutions, and saw thousands of Brotherhood members sent to prison amid a dizzying race between the group’s revolutionary tendency and the state institutions.
In 2011, after the Ben Ali regime fell the Brotherhood’s goal was to strike at the national state, taking advantage of the favourable tendency of the radical left, which has always been the objective supporter of political Islam. Both had in common their hostility to the state and the work to build an alternative project.
The suspension of the 1959 constitution, the dissolution of the intelligence services, the abolition of the former ruling party and the election of a constituent assembly were all the demands of the leftist forces. These paved the way for the Brotherhood to gain control over the sinews of the state without presenting any serious self-critical review of their experience and without being held accountable for their previous crimes.
On July 25, President Kais Saied came out to announce measures that the Brotherhood described as a coup against the constitution. Days before, there were calls for demonstrations on the 64th anniversary of the Republic. The protests did not fall under any political umbrella and there was scepticism about the seriousness of the calls.
However, as the demonstrations took place, protesters’ anger was directed at Ennahda which they wanted to topple as they blamed it for all the crises that the country faced, whether political, economic, social or health-related.
It turned out later that those behind the protest are the same mysterious supporters who succeeded in pushing the constitutional law professor Saied to run in the 2019 presidential elections and to win on the first and second round. Most of the political factions, including the Muslim Brotherhood, joined them then in backing the candidate Kais Saied.
On the evening of July 25, President Said’s decisions to suspend the activities of parliament, lift the constitutional immunity of all its members and dissolve the government served to save the Brotherhood from popular wrath. Moreover, at the same time it allowed him to launch the reforms that he felt were needed.
The Ennahda movement accused him of violating the constitution, including Chapter 80.
However, the international community chose to monitor remotely without any condemnation of the presidential moves. There was good reason for this, which even sharply divided Brotherhood members. The reason was that Ennahda not only failed to govern, but was accused of being a sponsor of corruption, causing harm to the country and attempting to instil society with its ideology and promote extremist thought.
But why did President Saied decide to take these measures? The hidden aspect of the crisis is that Ennahda had already started preparing for the overthrow of the president, relying on Article 88 of the constitution. Although the project faced great difficulties due to the absence of the Constitutional Court, as well as the inability to ensure a favourable two-thirds parliamentary majority, the Brotherhood had already set out on the course of legal and constitutional consultations. They were searching for a way to oust the president, based on their argument that there was no longer any possibility of continuing to coexisting with President Saied.
Attempts to disparage the presidency, downplay its role, assail the president’s reputation and tamper with the symbolism of the position he holds had turned into one of the parliament’s main goals. This was especially the case through the violent arm of the Ennahda movement, the Dignity Coalition.
Attacks on the president extended from the social media to the press including public media outlets, as the war on the president included harming Tunisia’s foreign relations, including its relations with Arab and foreign countries that the Brotherhood did not appreciate. The Tunisian parliament became a source of strife, an incubator of violence, a sponsor of corruption and terrorism, and a blow to Tunisia’s regional and international interests in the name of freedom and democracy.
Therefore, when President Saied decided to change the reality and correct the political course, he met with international understanding. Even if some countries did not express overt support, their offered silent support. Silence as the Arabic proverb says is a sign of acquiescence.