LCCC ENGLISH DAILY NEWS BULLETIN
November 23/2019
Compiled & Prepared by: Elias Bejjani

The Bulletin's Link on the lccc Site
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Bible Quotations For today
I know your works; you are neither cold nor hot. I wish that you were either cold or hot. So, because you are lukewarm, and neither cold nor hot, I am about to spit you out of my mouth
Book of Revelation 03/14-22/:”‘To the angel of the church in Laodicea write: The words of the Amen, the faithful and true witness, the origin of God’s creation: ‘I know your works; you are neither cold nor hot. I wish that you were either cold or hot. So, because you are lukewarm, and neither cold nor hot, I am about to spit you out of my mouth. For you say, “I am rich, I have prospered, and I need nothing.” You do not realize that you are wretched, pitiable, poor, blind, and naked. Therefore I counsel you to buy from me gold refined by fire so that you may be rich; and white robes to clothe you and to keep the shame of your nakedness from being seen; and salve to anoint your eyes so that you may see.I reprove and discipline those whom I love. Be earnest, therefore, and repent. Listen! I am standing at the door, knocking; if you hear my voice and open the door, I will come in to you and eat with you, and you with me. To the one who conquers I will give a place with me on my throne, just as I myself conquered and sat down with my Father on his throne. Let anyone who has an ear listen to what the Spirit is saying to the churches.’”

Titles For The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News published on November 22-23/2019
Lebanon´s Top Politicians Attend Military Parade
Aoun, Hariri, Berri Make Joint Appearance at Military Parade
Parallel National Day Rallies by Lebanon Protesters, Leaders
Lebanese protesters, embattled leaders hold separate national day celebrations
Sources: France, US, UK Support Technocrat Govt In Lebanon
Protesters Say 'Real Independence' Close as Lebanon Turns 76
U.S. Affirms Readiness to Work with New Lebanese Govt.
Five Weeks of Protests in Lebanon
Lebanon since Independence
Mystery grows over Lebanon aid hold-up as impeachment looms

Titles For The Latest English LCCC Miscellaneous Reports And News published on November 22-23/2019
As Internet Slowly Returns, US Sanctions Telecom Minister
Saudi Arabia Condemns Iran's Continued Violations Related to Its Nuclear Program
Israeli Airstrike Kills Ninth Family Member in Gaza
Palestinians: Israeli Settlers Burn Cars in West Bank
Several Iraqi Protesters Killed in Baghdad, Sistani Warns Against Current Situation
Egypt: Awqaf Ministry Vows to Terminate Services of Imams Linked to 'Terrorist Groups'
Yemen: US Lauds Hadi’s Peace Efforts

Titles For The Latest LCCC English analysis & editorials from miscellaneous sources published on November 22-23/2019
Lebanon Is Totally Occupied by Iran …Help Liberate The Land Of The Holy Cedars/Elias Bejjani/November 22/2019
Lebanese mark their very own Independence Day across the nation/Ryme Alhussayni and Tala Ramadan/Annahar/November 22/2019
Lebanese citizens take to the streets to celebrate Independence Day/Sunniva Rose/The National/November 22/2019
Happy Independence Day, Dad/Sally Farhat/Annahar/November 22/2019
Pentagon, State Dep’t, U.S. Evangelicals and Israel Battle Over Lebanese Army Aid/Amir Tibon/Haaretz/November 22/2019
France leading international effort to help Lebanon/Randa Takieddine/Arab News/November 22/2019
*The Great Saudi-Iranian Proxy Game
Buddhika Jayamaha, Kevin S. Petit, Jahara Matisek, William Reno, Matthew A. Rose and Molly Jahn/Middle East Quarterly/Fall 2019
Sweden: The Price of Migration/Judith Bergman/Gatestone Institute/November 22/2019
How the West Can Protect Iran’s Brave Protesters/Bobby Ghosh/Bloomberg/November 22/2019
US strategy of maximum pressure is taking Iran to the brink/Dr. Theodore Karasik/Arabic News/November 22/2019
Turkey’s Daesh deportations pose a massive dilemma for Europe/Sinem Cengiz/Arab News/November 22/2019
Iran and the Ayatollah’s Fake Suicide-Belt/Amir Taheri/Asharq Al Awsat/November 22/2019

The Latest English LCCC Lebanese & Lebanese Related News published on November 22-23/2019
Lebanon Is Totally Occupied by Iran …Help Liberate The Land Of The Holy Cedars
Elias Bejjani/November 22/2019
لبنان وطن الحرف والرسالة والأرز المقدس تحتله إيران وميليشياتها وهو يحتاج لمساعدة العالم الحر ليستعيد استقلاله
http://eliasbejjaninews.com/archives/80773/elias-bejjani-lebanon-is-totally-occupied-by-iran-help-liberate-the-land-of-the-holy-cedars/
Lebanon, the land of the Holy Cedars and 7000 years deeply rooted glory, holiness and history is sadly an occupied, impoverished, and oppressed country.
The stone age savage occupier is the terrorist Iranian armed Hezbollah militia.
This terrorist armed militia controls totally Lebanon’s decision making process on all levels and in all domains including the peace and war one.
Meanwhile the majority of the Lebanese officials, as well as the politicians are mere mercenaries appointed by Hezbollah and like puppets carry its wishes and orders.
The USA and other democratic countries can help Lebanon and the Lebanese people in reclaiming back their confiscated independence and stolen country through a strong, loud and official stance in practically and not only rhetorically supporting the immediate implementation of the three UN resolutions that addresses Lebanon’s crisis: the armistice agreement, 1559 and 1701.
The Lebanese people after years (since 1975) of Syrian, Palestinian, and current Iranian occupations and oppression are unable on their own to liberate their country without a real and clear practical support from the UN and all the democratic countries.. Help liberate Lebanon.
In this realm I quote Dr. Walid Phares’s response to ambassador Jeffrey Feltman’s recent testimony before the House Subcommittee on the Middle East, North Africa, and International Terrorism on “What’s Next for Lebanon? Examining the Implications of Current Protests.
Ambassador Feltman told Congress said:
“Over the long term, U.S. interests in Lebanon would be best protected by what the Lebanese people indicate that they want: a prosperous, democratic, independent, fully sovereign, peaceful Lebanon, reliant (including for security) on effective, transparent government institutions subject to public accountability. With the right government in place and with renewed international support, this should not be impossible to achieve.”
Dr. Walid Phares’s response:
Yes Mr. Ambassador that’s what a majority of Lebanese want. But between now and then, there is a blocking force that will oppose moving Lebanon in that direction. It is a force feared by many and countering it has no strategies, in official policies. A force that is obstructing prosperity, reform, sovereignty, and protective of corruption. And on top of it there are no plans to deal with it. One can ignore it and pretend that it is not there, that eventually it will just go away. But that is not reality…
From our Diaspora, we hail and command the courageous and patriotic Lebanese citizens who bravely for the last 37 days are involved in the current ongoing demonstrations and sit-ins in occupied Lebanon.
May Almighty God bless, safeguard Lebanon and grant its oppressed people the power and will to free their country and reclaim it back from Hezbollah, the Iranian terrorist Occupier.
Click here to read ambassador Jeffrey Feltman’s testimony text before the House Subcommittee on the Middle East, North Africa, and International Terrorism on “What’s Next for Lebanon? Examining the Implications of Current Protests.
In regards to the Iranian occupied Lebanon the help that the country and its oppressed people need from the USA, Europe and all other free countries is the immediate implementation of the UN three resolutions: the armistice agreement, 1559 and 1701. The USA sanctions on the Mullahs' regime for almost 40 years did not actually make any difference except in hurting more the Iranian people. Sanctions on Hezbollah while it occupies Lebanon and controls fully its rulers is not going to change the current status quo..although sanctions on Lebanese politicians who are Hezbollah puppets can help in deterring them.

Lebanon´s Top Politicians Attend Military Parade
Beirut- Asharq Al-Awsat/Friday, 22 November, 2019
Lebanon´s top politicians made their first joint appearance Friday since massive anti-government protests erupted last month, attending a military parade for the country´s 76th Independence Day. This year´s parade couldn´t be held in its traditional location in central Beirut because a protest camp still occupies the area. A parallel civilian celebration, organized by the protesters, is planned for later in the day. The limited Independence Day display reflects the nation's somber mood. Lebanon faces its most serious political and economic crises in years, as anti-government protests have gripped the country since mid-October.
A deadlock among the top leaders has failed to produce a government, three weeks after Prime Minister Saad Hariri resigned. Most of those leaders have refused to answer the protesters´ demand for forming a government of experts, outside of the traditional sectarian-based power sharing agreement.
Hariri maintained a stern expression during the military parade, while President Michel Aoun and Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri exchanged smiles. The leaders exchanged a few words during the 30-minute parade of marching soldiers. There was no display of tanks or helicopters and no foreign dignitaries were in attendance. Berri and Aoun immediately left after the parade ended, while Hariri milled around for a little longer exchanging words with the commander of the Lebanese Armed Forces. A day earlier, Aoun had said a consensus on forming a government remained far off because of "contradictions that control Lebanese politics." He didn´t elaborate. He also told protesters "only dialogue is the right path to resolve crises."In an ominous sign, unknown vandals set fire to a large cardboard fist in Beirut´s protest camp, which had become a symbol of the uprising. The first had been painted with the word "Revolution."
Videos and photos circulating on social media showed the fist catching fire at dawn Friday. Protesters we were camped out in the square quickly tried to put out the blaze. A single protester defiantly raised his fist in the air beside the charred effigy. Local media said the protesters are preparing a new effigy to be installed during the Independence Day parade they´re organizing. Nationwide demonstrations began on Oct. 17, triggered by new taxes on WhatsApp calls amid a plunging economy. The protesters now are calling for the downfall of the political elite who have run the country since the 1975-90 civil war.

Aoun, Hariri, Berri Make Joint Appearance at Military Parade
Associated Press/Naharnet/November 22/2019
Lebanon's top politicians are attending a military parade on the country's 76th Independence Day. They appeared together Friday for the first time since the government resigned amid nationwide protests. President Michel Aoun, Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri and resigned Prime Minister Saad Hariri sat together under a canopy at the Defense Ministry. The traditional military parade in central Beirut has been called off as a protest camp still occupies the area, more than a month after anti-government demonstrations broke out. The limited Independence Day display reflects the nation's somber mood. Lebanon is facing its most serious political and economic crises in years. A deadlock among the top leaders has failed to produce a government. Hariri resigned two weeks into the protests, which have targeted Lebanon's entire political class.

Parallel National Day Rallies by Lebanon Protesters, Leaders
Beirut- Asharq Al-Awsat/Friday, 22 November, 2019
Lebanon´s protesters and top politicians held competing Independence Day celebrations Friday, reflecting the deepening rift that has beset the country grappling with its worst political and economic crises in decades.
The top leadership attended a truncated military parade which was relocated to the headquarters of the Defense Ministry from central Beirut, occupied by protesters.
The mood was somber at the brief parade as a little over a dozen regiments marched before the country´s president, parliament speaker and prime minister, who sat under a red canopy. The three only exchanged a few words and left separately. An official celebration at the presidential palace was cancelled. There were no foreign dignitaries in attendance and no display of tanks or equipment.
It was the first joint appearance by the three since the prime minister resigned three weeks ago, citing a deadlock with political rivals in meeting protesters demands. Since then, the politicians have continued bickering, deadlocked over a new government and showing little ability to adapt in the face of more than a month of nationwide protests demanding an end to business as usual.
Separately, the protesters later held a boisterous parade at Martyrs´ Square, near the waterfront boulevard where the formal celebration is traditionally held. The area has been occupied by protesters since mid-October and is closed off to traffic.
Industrialists, doctors, students, expatriates, musicians, and mothers marched down a main street leading to the square, organized in more than 40 groups, built as "regiments" by the protesters to mirror the military parade.
Lara Hayek, a university staffer, said they wanted to hold popular celebrations where the army does it every year.
"This year we decided that independence is also for the people. We started this revolution. It is a people´s revolution, a nation´s revolution. All the people want to express that."
The demonstrations began Oct. 17 against proposed taxes on WhatsApp calls but turned into a condemnation of the political elite who have run the country since the 1975-90 civil war. Protesters blame them for years of corruption and mismanagement.
Young people have been at the forefront of the leaderless protest movement, facing a plunging economy and high unemployment and left with few options other than emigrating. The protesters call for a new government and elections outside of the traditional sectarian-based power-sharing agreement.
The politicians "don´t want the country to change. They want it to stay the same and they want us to leave," said one protester who appeared in the square dressed as Charlie Chaplin and gave her name only as Joyce. "I am an actress. I don´t want to leave this country. I want to stay here, work and live in Lebanon."
She raised a banner that read: "You people have the power to make life free and beautiful."
A white banner was hung between two trees inviting protesters to "be creative" about how they want to commemorate independence. One person scribbled: "This is a popular Independence Day. Independence from a corrupt authority. November 22 with a different flavor."
During the celebrations, protesters planned to re-install a new large cardboard fist labelled "Revolution" in Martyr´s Square after a previous one was burned down overnight by unknown vandals.
Videos and photos circulating on social media showed the fist - which has been a symbol of the uprising - catching fire at dawn Friday. Protesters who were camped out in the square rushed to the site of the blaze. A single protester stood there, defiantly raising his fist in the air beside the charred emblem.
The top political leaders have been deadlocked over forming a new government since the Western-backed prime minister, Saad Hariri, resigned on Oct. 29.
Hariri said he has hit a dead-end with his partners in the government, dominated by the Iran-backed Hezbollah group, and has called for an apolitical emergency government. His rivals in the president´s party and its ally Hezbollah want to preserve their electoral wins and Hariri, as the face acceptable to the world.
The two sides have sparred publicly. Hariri said the party of President Michel Aoun is acting "irresponsibly" while Aoun´s group said the acting prime minister is holding the Cabinet hostage: "either me or no one else."
Late Thursday, Aoun said in a televised address that a consensus on forming a government remained far off because of "contradictions that control Lebanese politics." He didn´t elaborate.
Mahya Yaha, a senior analyst with Carnegie Middle East Center, said the political elite is acting "as it were business as usual," engaging in closed-door horse trading to form a new government while seeking to maintain power.
"Today, Lebanon´s politicians fear that the demographic and social tide is turning against them. And when the country´s political forces that have exercised power for a long time come to believe that their eclipse is inevitable, they will fight to preserve the privileges they have acquired, at whatever the cost," she wrote. "This could include resorting to violence in any form necessary."Meanwhile, there is always the temptation of Lebanon factions turning to their foreign backers, Yaha said, which risks transforming the country into the focal point for a showdown between the United States, Iran, and Russia.
"This would be disastrous for the Lebanese," she wrote Friday.

Lebanese protesters, embattled leaders hold separate national day celebrations
Arab News/November 22/2019
BEIRUT: Protesters and Lebanon’s embattled politicians on Friday held separate celebrations to mark the country’s 76th Independence Day.
Lebanese leaders attended the traditional military parade, which was much truncated and had to be moved to the Ministry of Defense’s headquarters because demonstrators had occupied the usual venue in central Beirut.
Meanwhile, thousands of protesters staged a peaceful march through the capital’s Martyrs’ Square, 37 days after the start of national action against the political elite which has plunged the country into economic crisis and prompted the resignation of Prime Minister Saad Hariri.
The government’s national day parade was attended by President Michel Aoun, Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, and caretaker premier Hariri, the first time the trio had appeared in public together in three weeks.
Fashion designer Paula Noaman was among Lebanese citizens taking part in the self-rule anniversary celebrations in Riad Al-Solh and Martyrs’ squares which she described as “a celebration of freedom.”
Her friend Deniz Nassif Sader, also a fashion designer, said: “The ruling class has become decrepit and must be renewed. If they consider Lebanon a company, then its owner must step down when he gets old. But our politicians have a big ego and are clinging to power like children.
“They can no longer run Lebanon the way they have been doing for decades. We need a young generation. Who said that young people have no experience in politics? Politics have destroyed us. Give the youth the chance to create a different Lebanon.”
Many activities accompanied the civil celebrations in town and city squares throughout Lebanon. A giant fist, symbolizing the civilian uprising in Lebanon, was set on fire to in Martyrs’ Square on Friday morning.
Youssef Issa, an activist, said: “Unidentified young men on motorcycles sneaked into the square at dawn, threw a Molotov cocktail at the cutout image of a large fist, and left. The security forces in the area could not catch them.”The incident provoked social media reaction criticizing the “sabotage of the revolution.”
Another protester, Joyce Thabet, said: “Those cowards were intimidated by a hand that carries no weapon. A hand of cardboard. They are men of cardboard. The revolution will continue and will burn anyone who undermines people’s dignity.”
Former MP Faris Saeed stressed that “whoever burned the fist is foolish because every city and town in Lebanon will have a revolution symbol.”Protesters were quick to replace the fist, with Independence Day participants using torches on their cell phones to light up the square.
Hisham Tabbara, 57, said: “Today’s message is that the revolution will continue until we are independent of corruption. My generation was the one that produced this wonder generation of young people who are aware of their rights and refuse to be a herd of sheep.”
Protesters from Baalbek-Hermel, considered an incubator environment for Hezbollah and the Amal Movement, also joined in celebration marches.
Ali Yazbeck said: “It is not true that all the people in our area are with Hezbollah and Amal. There is 40-50 percent who voted for them, but the rest refrained from voting because they believed that the candidates did not represent their aspirations. We want to build a homeland in which Hezbollah supporters are part of a non-corrupt country.”
Activists from Qabb Ilyas in the Bekaa area, which is known for its loyalty to the prime minister, also took part in national day events.
Zakaria Kouider, of the Bekaa Youth Movement, said: “The president’s speech, in which he addressed the people of Lebanon on the eve of Independence Day, did not address the concerns of the people. We do not care about oil. We want taxes to be canceled. We want old-age security and we want to live with dignity.“I work in mechanics in a factory in the Bekaa, but others cannot work unless they pull strings. People in the Bekaa can no longer buy heating fuel, and the weather has become very cold. Heating in the Bekaa costs 800,000 liras ($520) — this is a month’s salary and it is barely enough.”
Amer Hassan Salloum, a 25-year-old maintenance worker in Zahle, said he joined the revolution because he wanted “to change the ruling class.”
He said he was not a Hariri supporter but added: “Without Hariri, the country cannot be run. He is a magnet that attracts the international community and gives confidence to the country. Also, he was the first to step down at the request of the people and he stood by the movement.
“It is true that President Aoun is addressing us calmly, but he complains about the corrupt, and we complain about them. Who is the corrupt? Help us understand.”Young expatriates in Arab, European and American countries coordinated via social media and traveled to Beirut to spend the weekend in the squares.
Dalia Obeid, a public health researcher who has lived in Paris for 17 years, said: “We arrived at Beirut airport today and came to the square. Each of us paid their travel costs. We are active in setting up groups abroad to support the movement in Lebanon. We have come to Lebanon to say that we want to return to a country in which there is neither chaos nor corruption. We have come because we believe there is hope for our return through this revolution.”As the day advanced, the number of protesters in Beirut’s squares soared and included intellectuals, doctors, pharmacists, environmentalists, artists, lawyers, teachers, mothers with children, people with special needs, bank employees, engineers, agriculturalists, craftsmen, businessmen, industrialists, and athletes. They all carried Lebanon’s flag and chanted for the revolution.
Caretaker Defense Minister Elias Bou Saab gave a speech following the symbolic military parade. He said: “There are people using the civic movement politically to come across as heroes — whether through negotiations to form a government or by seeking to improve the stance.
“How can anyone name all the ministers from outside the existing parliamentary blocs? How will they win trust? There are political, sectarian and religious balances.”
Bou Saab highlighted that parliamentary consultations are bound by their outcome and not by time.Protesters in the street are demanding a speedy appointment for binding parliamentary consultations to appoint a prime minister. The president and his ally Hezbollah are holding onto a techno-political government, while Prime Minister Hariri wants a technocratic government if he is named to take over the new government.

Sources: France, US, UK Support Technocrat Govt In Lebanon
Paris, Beirut - Michel Abou Najem, Asharq Al-Awsat/Friday, 22 November, 2019
High-ranking French sources told Asharq Al-Awsat on Thursday that Paris is exerting efforts to find a solution to Lebanon’s crisis, preferably through a cabinet of technocrats who are not affiliated to any political party. France is currently mobilizing its partners and the international community to help Lebanon exit its political and economic crisis.In that regard, Paris is contacting regional parties, including Tehran and Washington to find solutions to end the Lebanese stalemate. A tripartite French-US-British meeting was held Wednesday in Paris to discuss Lebanon. On Thursday, French Ambassador to Lebanon, Bruno Foucher briefed President Michel Aoun on the outcome of this meeting. The French diplomat informed Aoun that the three countries stressed their continued support for Lebanon's stability, sovereignty, and independence, and also pushed for the return of constitutional institutions to work. Foucher also discussed with Aoun the visit of Director of the Middle East and North Africa Department of the French Foreign Ministry, Christophe Farno, who returned to Paris with an utmost conviction of a pressing need for reforms at various levels in Lebanon. The sources said that Farno’s mission to Beirut focused on the need to form a cabinet of technocrats with a mission to take urgent decisions that meet the demands of the popular movement and to speed up necessary measures to fix the dire economic and financial situation. “Paris is currently studying the idea of holding a summit of the states supporting Lebanon. However, there is still no decision on the level of participants attending this summit,” the sources said. The summit would serve to renew trust in the Lebanese situation. “France reiterates that the donor states would not blindly offer aid to Lebanon, but those states insist that Beirut starts with economic reform measures before receiving any international financing,” the sources explained. The meeting in Paris uncovered a new development related to the US position from the situation in Lebanon. The French sources said the US diplomats who attended Wednesday’s meeting expressed “moderate” positions towards the crisis in Beirut. There was a huge gap between Washington and Paris’ positions regarding the Lebanese crisis, as some officials at the US administration wanted to employ the Lebanese crisis in their war against Iran.

Protesters Say 'Real Independence' Close as Lebanon Turns 76
Beirut- Asharq Al-Awsat/Friday, 22 November, 2019
Lebanon was marking 76 years of self-rule on Friday, but protesters say that only this year are its people experiencing "real independence". An unprecedented protest movement has gripped the small Mediterranean country since October 17, demanding the complete overhaul of politicians deemed inept and corrupt. The demonstrations have brought together people from across sectarian lines, and given them hope that change might finally sweep away a system they say is broken. "It's the first time Lebanese from all religious communities have protested en masse without a political party calling for it, and against all parties," said 21-year-old university student Tamara. "That's real independence -- one that's organic". On November 22, 1943, Lebanon achieved independence after 23 years under a French mandate, following a wave of demonstrations that brought together the country's Christians and Muslims.
But the country was ripped apart in the 1975-1990 civil war.
Two more foreign powers occupied the tiny multi-confessional country -- Israel from 1978 to 2000, and Syria from 1976 to 2005. A post-war accord sought to share out power between Lebanon's various religious communities, but the country remained deeply divided along sectarian lines.
Wajed, 26, said this year's Independence Day will be different. "We want to emancipate ourselves from the corrupt people governing us," he told AFP, his beard shaved short and a cap on his head. "After the French left, others occupied us," he said, alluding to Lebanese politicians, some of whose families have been in power ever since. In the face of such anger from the street, Lebanese president Michel Aoun again called for dialogue Friday, saying in a televised address that was "the only pertinent path to solving the crisis".
Revised anthem
After more than a month of protests, a large military parade along the seafront has been cancelled, and replaced by a smaller event at the defence ministry instead.
Wajed said the changes in state festivities was just the latest "victory" for protesters.
The street movement brought down the government last month, though a new cabinet has yet to be formed.
On Sunday an independent candidate was elected head of the Bar Association, and on Tuesday demonstrators successfully prevented a parliament vote on a controversial amnesty law. Two people have so far been killed during the protests. Activists have called for "civil marches" to take place nationwide on Friday as Lebanese of all ages maintain hope they can fix a broken government, draw the country out of endless political deadlocks, and revive its crumbling economy. On social media, they urged protesters to wave high "the light of the independence" after nightfall -- whether with a candle, lighter, or the torch on their mobile phones. In the southern city of Sidon, an event has been planned to beam light against "obscurity, theft, corruption, and poverty". A revised version of the national anthem is making the rounds online to celebrate Lebanese women, many of whom have played a central role in the recent protests.
'Independence of mind'
There have been other large protests in Lebanon in recent decades, but none this big have been spontaneous. In 2005, a huge street movement managed to end the Syrian occupation. But that was called for by anti-Syrian political parties after former premier Rafik Hariri was killed in a car bombing they blamed on Damascus. Dina Abu Dahr, 55, said she felt "different" about the national holiday this year. "It's the first time independence means something to me," she said. Near a huge mosque in central Beirut, Youssef el-Gherez agreed. "This independence is an independence of mind, body and spirit," said the 26-year-old. "People are starting to change their habits," he said. "They want to change things deeply, all the way to the roots."Motivated by the protests, some members of Lebanon's huge diaspora have also planned to fly home to take part. Tracy Saad, 23, said she would be heading back from the Netherlands to "celebrate independence from the warlords and their sectarian regime", referring to politicians who once headed militias during the civil conflict. The idea of a mass homecoming took life on social media, she said, and then those interested managed to negotiate cheaper air fares for the occasion.
In total, some 600 people are expected to travel in from the Gulf, Europe, North America, and even Australia, and make their way to Beirut's iconic Martyrs' Square.

U.S. Affirms Readiness to Work with New Lebanese Govt.
Naharnet/November 22/2019
The US Department of State on Friday congratulated Lebanon on Independence Day, affirming willingness to cooperate with a new Lebanese government meeting the aspirations of its people, one day after Trump's letter to Aoun in the same context.
“The United States reaffirms its permanent friendship with the Lebanese people,” the ministry said. "We remain committed to a brighter future for Lebanon and stand proudly with the Lebanese people in their peaceful demonstrations calling for reforms and an end to corruption.”
“The United States stands ready to work with a new Lebanese government that responds to the needs of its citizens and has the capacity and political will to build a stable, prosperous, independent, and secure Lebanon for all,” it added. On Thursday, US President Donald Trump sent a cable to President Michel Aoun. He said: “The American people share my best wishes for Lebanon's Independence Day. The friendly relations between the Lebanese and American peoples are strong. The United States is ready to work with a new Lebanese government that meets the needs of the Lebanese by building a stable, prosperous, independent, and secure country.”

Five Weeks of Protests in Lebanon
Agence France Presse/Naharnet/November 22/2019
Lebanon has been paralysed by more than a month of protests demanding an overhaul of the entire political system.
Here is a recap:
- 'WhatsApp tax' anger -
On October 17, the government announces a tax on calls made via messaging apps such as WhatsApp, widely used in Lebanon. Coming amid a looming economic crisis in a country whose infrastructure remains decrepit almost three decades since the end of its civil war, the announcement is seen by many as a step too far. Thousands take to the streets in Beirut and other cities, some chanting "the people demand the fall of the regime" and security forces fire tear gas to try to disperse crowds. The government scraps the messaging app tax later the same day, but the protests keep on going.
- Demos grow -
On October 18, thousands of demonstrators from a broad spectrum of sects and political affiliations bring the capital to a standstill. They demand an overhaul of the political system, citing a broad range of grievances from austerity measures and state corruption to poor infrastructure and rampant electricity cuts. The army reopens some highways blocked by protesters and disperses a huge crowd in Beirut with water cannon and tear gas. Dozens are arrested.The demonstrations swell over the following days, with major gatherings also in second city Tripoli and other centres.
- Reforms announced -
On October 21, Prime Minister Saad Hariri announces his government has approved a raft of economic reforms, including halving lawmakers' and ministers' salaries. But protests continue and demonstrators dismiss the new measures as insufficient.
- Hezbollah backs government -
On October 25, the head of the powerful Shiite movement Hezbollah -- which with its allies holds a majority in parliament -- tells supporters not to take part in the protests. Hezbollah's leader, Hassan Nasrallah, also warns of chaos should the government resign. The next day, Hezbollah mobilises counter-rallies, sparking scuffles with demonstrators.
- Government resigns -
On October 29, dozens of counter-demonstrators attack anti-government protesters in Beirut. That evening, Hariri submits his resignation and that of his government, prompting cheers and dancing in the streets. The following day, President Michel Aoun asks the government to stay on in a caretaker capacity until a new cabinet is formed. Protesters regroup over the next days, demanding a government of technocrats, independent of traditional political parties divided along sectarian lines.
- Students join in -
In a live television address on November 3, Aoun announces plans to tackle corruption, reform the economy and form a civil government. But thousands of protesters stream back into Beirut's Martyrs' Square, chanting "Revolution!"On November 6, hundreds of schoolchildren lead demonstrations across the country. The following day, thousands of university and high school students also take to the streets. On November 12, Aoun says that Lebanese unhappy with those in power should "emigrate". His remarks spark a new eruption of demonstrations. The army opens fire to disperse protesters south of Beirut, shooting a man who later dies of his wounds.
- Parliament under siege -
On November 15, protesters react with anger to the reported designation of 75-year-old business tycoon and former finance minister Mohammed Safadi as new prime minister. Two days later, Safadi announces he will not assume the role. Aoun on November 19 says he is open to a government that would include representatives of the popular movement. Besieged by angry protesters, the Lebanese parliament postpones a session to discuss controversial draft laws. On November 21, in a speech on the eve of the 76th anniversary of independence from France, Aoun reiterates his call for dialogue.

Lebanon since Independence
Agence France Presse/November 22/2019
Here is a recap of key events in Lebanon since its independence from France 76 years ago:
- Power-sharing -
The small Mediterranean country becomes independent on November 22, 1943 after 23 years under French mandate. Under a "national pact", its Christians agree to abandon protection by the West and Muslims by Arab nations. It lays out a power-sharing agreement still in place today that allocates the post of president to a Maronite Christian, prime minister to a Sunni Muslim, and parliament speaker to a Shiite Muslim.
- Civil strife -
A five-month civil war breaks out in 1958 when Muslims, backed by Egypt and Syria, take up arms against the pro-Western regime of president Camille Chamoun. The president appeals to the United States for help. American troops arrive in July, their first military intervention in the Middle East. With the revolt quelled, they pull out three months later.
- PLO moves to Lebanon -
After the Arab defeat in the 1967 Six-Day War, the first Palestinian bases are established in south Lebanon on the border with Israel and Syria. In 1969, Lebanon legalises the armed Palestinian presence on its soil under the Cairo Accord. Following the bloody Black September clashes in Jordan in 1970, Yasser Arafat's Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) retreats to Lebanon, later setting up base in Beirut.
- Civil war -
In April 1975, a 15-year-long civil war starts: Christian militias battle Palestinians, who are quickly backed by leftists and Muslim forces.
In 1976 the Syrian army intervenes, with US approval, after an appeal by embattled Christian forces. In 1982, Israel invades and besieges Beirut: Arafat and 11,000 Palestinian fighters evacuate the capital. In September, a Christian militia massacres at least 1,000 people in the Palestinian camps of Sabra and Shatila in Beirut. The war ends in 1990. More than 150,000 people had been killed, 17,000 went missing and hundreds of thousands were exiled or displaced.
Syrian domination -
Syria's military and political presence is crystallised with a May 1991 treaty between Damascus and Beirut. Israel maintains its occupation of southern Lebanon, withdrawing only in 2000. In February 2005, former prime minister Rafik Hariri is killed in a massive Beirut bombing along with 21 others. Those opposed to Syria blame Damascus, which denies any role. Mass demonstrations lead to all Syrian troops withdrawing from Lebanon by late April 2005. They had peaked at 40,000 during the army's 29-year deployment.
Israel vs Hezbollah
In July 2006, conflict erupts between Israeli forces and Lebanon's powerful Shiite movement Hezbollah, which was founded in 1982 during the civil war. The conflict is sparked by Hezbollah's capture of two Israeli soldiers from the southern Lebanon border area. The devastating 34-day war costs Lebanon around 1,200 lives, mostly civilians. With the withdrawal of Israeli troops in October, the Lebanese army -- aided by a United Nations force -- deploys in the south after a 40-year absence.
- Syria war -
Two years after the Syrian conflict breaks out, Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah says in April 2013 his fighters have intervened on the side of President Bashar al-Assad. The Syrian conflict entrenches Lebanon's divided political blocs: one led by Iran-backed Hezbollah, and the other by Saad Hariri, son of the assassinated former premier who is backed by the US and Saudi Arabia.
- Anti-regime unrest -
In May 2018, Hezbollah and its allies dominate the first legislative polls held since 2009. Hariri is designated premier for a third term but it takes him till January 2019 to form a new government. On October 17, protests break out sparked by a government plan to tax online phone calls made through apps.
The unrest turns into a broader popular revolt involving hundreds of thousands of people across the country, cutting across sectarian lines, against the perceived ineptitude and corruption of the ruling class.The government resigns on October 29, but the protest movement carries on, demanding the departure of the ruling elite.

Mystery grows over Lebanon aid hold-up as impeachment looms
Associated Press/November 22/2019
But the Pentagon and State Department reject that view, saying the army is the only independent Lebanese institution capable of resisting Hezbollah.
WASHINGTON: The Trump administration is withholding more than $100 million in U.S. military assistance to Lebanon that has been approved by Congress and is favored by his national security team, an assertion of executive control of foreign aid that is similar to the delay in support for Ukraine at the center of the impeachment inquiry. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo on Friday congratulated Lebanon as the country marked its independence day but made no mention of the hold-up in aid that the State Department and Pentagon officials have complained about for weeks.
It came up in impeachment testimony by David Hale, the No. 3 official in the State Department, according to the transcript of the closed-door hearing released this week. He described growing consternation among diplomats as the administration would neither release the aid nor provide an explanation for the hold. “People started asking: What’s the problem?” Hale told the impeachment investigators.
The White House and the Office of Management and Budget have declined to comment on the matter. The $105 million in Foreign Military Funding for the Lebanese Armed Forces has languished for months, awaiting approval from the Office of Management and Budget despite congressional approval, an early September notification to lawmakers that it would be spent and overwhelming support for it from the Pentagon, State Department, and National Security Council.
As with the Ukraine assistance, OMB has not explained the reason for the delay. However, unlike Ukraine, there is no suggestion that President Donald Trump is seeking “a favor” from Lebanon to release it, according to five officials familiar with the matter.
The mystery has only added to the consternation of the national security community, which believes the assistance that pays for American-made military equipment for the Lebanese army is essential, particularly as Lebanon reels in financial chaos and mass protests.
The aid is important to counter Iran’s influence in Iran, which is highlighted by the presence of the Iranian-supported Shiite Hezbollah movement in the government and the group’s militias, the officials said.
There is opposition to aid to the Lebanese army from outside the NSC. Pro-Israel hawks in Congress have long sought to de-fund the Lebanese military, arguing that it has been compromised by Hezbollah, which the U.S. designates as a “foreign terrorist organization.”
But the Pentagon and State Department reject that view, saying the army is the only independent Lebanese institution capable of resisting Hezbollah.
Outside experts agree.
Although there are some issues, Jeffrey Feltman, a former U.S. ambassador to Lebanon, said this week that the assistance should be released. “The U.S. has some legitimate concerns about the Lebanese Armed Forces’ performance, but the FMF should resume quickly and publicly: both because of the program’s merit in terms of improving the LAF’s counterterrorism performance but also to undermine the Hezbollah-Iranian-Syrian-Russian narrative that the U.S. is unreliable,” Feltman he told the House Foreign Affairs Committee on Tuesday.
Hale told the impeachment inquiry there were parallels between the Lebanon and Ukraine aid in that the White House refused to offer an explanation for the delays. He said inquiries into Lebanon's assistance since June have been met with silence. “We just understand there are differences of opinion on this, or there had been,” he said. “And the matter now rests with OMB. I don’t think that the differences currently exist outside of OMB.”
The Lebanon aid was put into Trump’s budget last winter and the State Department notified Congress on Sept. 5 that it would be spent even though the OMB had not yet signed off on it. The State Department has offered only a cryptic response to queries, defending the assistance but also calling for Lebanese authorities to implement economic reforms and rein in corruption. “As the sole legitimate defense arm of the government of Lebanon, the United States remains committed to strengthening the capacity of the Lebanese Armed Forces to secure Lebanon’s borders, defend its sovereignty, and preserve its stability,” the department said. “The Lebanon FMF has been apportioned by the administration. No Lebanese expenditures or purchases of military materiel with FMF have been delayed.”“Apportionment” is a technical term that refers to federal funds that have been appropriated by Congress and obligated by the administration but have not yet been released.
However, several officials said National Security Council staff had deliberately tried to run an end-around of the Pentagon and State Department by demanding a signed presidential determination to release the aid and then slow-walking delivery of the finding to the Oval Office for Trump’s signature. The officials who were not authorized to discuss the matter publicly and spoke on condition of anonymity. “It’s beyond the pale,” said one official. “This is people at the NSC and OMB trying to insert their own personal ideologies into something that most everyone else supports as a national security interest.”

Lebanese mark their very own Independence Day across the nation
Ryme Alhussayni and Tala Ramadan/Annahar/November 22/2019
Protestors, in parallel, organized a protest in Riad Al Solh and activists continued to call for civil marches to take place at a nationwide level to mark the occasion as the revolution enters day 37.
BEIRUT: Every year on November 22, a military parade takes place in central Beirut to celebrate Lebanon's Independence Day; but this year, amid Lebanon's uprising, the people had their own celebratory plans.
Instead of the usual big parade that takes place every year, a smaller one was held in Yarze at the Defence Ministry, attended by President Michel Aoun, Speaker Nabih Berri, resigned Prime Minister Saad Hariri, and officials.
As for the protesters, they organized a gathering in Riad Al Solh and activists called for civil marches to take place at a nationwide level to mark the country's 76th Independence Day as the revolution enters its 37th day.
While lighting a lantern, Mohammad Chamseddine said Lebanon has yet to become fully independent. “The real independence will be when we become independent from all these politicians ruling us, and hopefully this day will come,” he said.
The civil parade consisted of groups from eclectic backgrounds, including teachers, doctors, engineers, lawyers, media personnel, mothers, students, and other professions.
"As a man in his 70s now, I fully appreciate that people of all ages, sects, professions, and interests are united for one cause. There's a long way to go but we will get there," Osman El Khalil, an attendee shared with Annahar.
On a nationwide level, marches from several locations in the country kicked off early in the morning.
The Lebanese diaspora was highly motivated by the protests and organized a march that will travel in a convoy from the airport to Martyr's Square at 5:00 p.m. Protestors called on all citizens to wave high "the light of the independence" after nightfall with a candle, lighter, or the flashlight on their mobile phones to bring people together from across sectarian lines and give a light of hope that change might finally sweep away the broken system.
"I've been on the streets since day one and I've never felt frustrated despite all the ambient vibes willing to discourage protesters, and this is what independence should be all about. This is the first time we actually celebrate independence," Jocelyne Sabbagh told Annahar.
Nationwide protests began on Oct. 17 against new taxes on WhatsApp calls amid a plunging economy. The protesters now are calling for the downfall of the political class that has been ruling since the Civil War.
While addressing the nation last night, President Aoun had said that an agreement about forming a government is still far off due to conflicts within Lebanon's political sphere.
Today, Lebanon celebrates its 76th year of independence from the French rule.
*Christy-Belle Agha and Fatima Dia contributed to this report

Lebanese citizens take to the streets to celebrate Independence Day
Sunniva Rose/The National/November 22/2019
Lebanese civilians marched through Beirut as the traditional military parade was cancelled because of ongoing protests.
Hundreds of Lebanese citizens marched joyfully through Beirut on Friday to celebrate their country’s 76th Independence Day. It comes as the traditional austere military parade was relocated to the Defence Ministry because of tensions fuelled by anti-government protests that have paralysed Lebanon’s political class. Crowds representing some of the 41 professions or groups, including mothers and fathers, paraded through the capital’s Martyrs Square in the early afternoon. Waving the Lebanese flag, thousands cheered them on under the bright autumn sun as others distributed flowers.
Participants said this was a first in Lebanese history.
“For the first time, we feel that this is a national celebration," said Peter Mouracade. Carrying his baby son on his shoulders, he took part in a “daddy’s parade” with a dozen other men. “There is a real resurgence of patriotism,” agreed his friend Ralph Raad, who said that he wanted to show solidarity with “all the Lebanese fathers” who could not be present because they had to live abroad to find work. High unemployment is one the many grievances of the Lebanese against its ruling elite which has been in power since the end of the civil war in 1990.
Lebanon creates six times fewer jobs than its labour market needs and exports more graduates than any country in the Arab world, according to a 2019 government study quoted by Reuters. Local media reported that hundreds of Lebanese expatriates landed at Beirut airport on Friday afternoon to join the celebrations. Independence Day is normally celebrated with a military parade attended by top officials on Beirut’s sea front but it was relocated this year to the Defence Ministry south-east of the capital because of security concerns.
Triggered on October 17 by a proposed tax hike, protests have exacerbated the unpopularity of the Lebanese political class, which is widely believed to have mismanaged the country’s finances, pushing it to the brink of collapse. The festive atmosphere in Martyr's Square sharply contrasted with the violence earlier this week that occurred when protesters stopped MPs from entering Parliament. One policeman held a red flower in his hand as he watched the parade. The extra barbed wire that had been installed on Tuesday had been removed.
Participants in Beirut’s Independence Day celebrations said they were proud to display their unity while maintaining pressure on politicians to form a new government that would pay attention to people’s demands of a fairer, non-sectarian society. Prime Minister Saad Hariri resigned on October 29 and political parties have been unable to agree on a successor since. “Independence Day is usually taken hostage by politicians. We used to have no role to play. Today, the people are asking for their independence from the political class which they reject”, Mr Mouracade told The National.
Wearing her professional uniform, Hiba Azar, a nephrologist, said that she feared that Lebanese hospitals, which enjoy a good reputation in the region, would soon start struggling because of the liquidity shortage which has hindered imports that are vital for the Lebanese economy.
“In Lebanon, it has become a problem to import material from abroad. We risk (medical) shortages if we do not have a government soon that is accepted by the entire population and represents us,” she said, as she took part in a march of health professionals.
The presence of young people, sometimes as young as 15-year-old Duaa Hadidi, who came with her wheelchair-bound sister, was also strong. “There are no facilities to help her. When I push her, I cannot get onto the sidewalk. It really breaks my heart to live in such a country. Our dream was to leave Lebanon, but we saw a glimpse of hope since protests began”, she told The National, minutes before pushing her younger sister to the front of the march. Behind the two girls, teachers, students, lawyers, retired soldiers, environmentalists and many more followed.

Happy Independence Day, Dad
Sally Farhat/Annahar/November 22/2019
This revolution has been the hope I was searching for, for my father at least. But it was only today, after capturing the 21st picture, that I was sure of its power.
Lebanon’s Independence Day has always had a special place in my heart. For 21 years, I celebrated this day exactly like I celebrate my birthday; yes, it means I over did it in so many ways.
On November 22 of each year, I would wake up extremely early, wear one of the three dominant colors in our national flag (red, green, or white), and turn on the TV to watch the national celebration.
The Soldiers’ March has always been my favorite: the music, the organization, and the way soldiers’ steps follow the beat smoothly. I’d watch with goosebumps as I imagine my father, who is today a retired soldier, march among these young faces, who prepare to take on the world for the sake of a country. I have always admired these soldiers for how selfless they can be, exactly like my father has always been.
I would watch the entire show and sing my lungs out to the national anthem. And every year, after the show is over, I’d take a picture with my father in his army suit next to the family tree.
We have so far captured 21 pictures, and with every passing year, these photos recorded how my father aged. Yet, in 20 of those photos, my father’s hope for the country that used to spark from his eyes also faded.
As years passed, my father stopped narrating stories from his childhood and all the adventures he had as a soldier, and while he did encourage me to keep on dreaming and supported all my ambitions, I always felt that he’s trying to expand my horizon (literally), to make me search for a future abroad. He never said it, obviously because who wants their kids to live in a different country, right? But he hinted at it.
I admit, of all things that could disappoint me in this country, this disappointed me the most. How can I love a country who has not loved me nor my father who has dedicated his entire life for it? Until the revolution started.
This revolution has been the hope I was searching for, for my father at least. But it was only today, after capturing the 21st picture, that I was sure of its power. Although I’ve always loved Independence Day, today’s celebration had a completely different feeling, a feeling I kind of like more.
This year, I did wake up extremely early, but I didn’t turn on the TV to watch the soldiers’ parade and to imagine how my father would’ve marched back in his days. Today, I saw how proud he was as he marched among his fellow retired soldiers.
Among the huge crowd who gathered in Martyr’s Square to witness the civil parade, I could see how his eyes sparked with hope, the hope I thought he long lost. And when it was time for the retired soldiers to turn their faces and salute the Martyr’s Statue, flags down, I looked at my father and I felt his eyes whispering: “There’s still hope.”

Pentagon, State Dep’t, U.S. Evangelicals and Israel Battle Over Lebanese Army Aid
Amir Tibon/Haaretz/November 22/2019
في أميركا البنتاغون والإدارة والإنجيليون وإسرائيل في حالة صراع وعراك على خلفية المساعدات الأميركية للجيش اللبناني
White House is at center of storm over whether it should be withholding $105 million of military funding to Beirut
http://eliasbejjaninews.com/archives/80784/%d9%81%d9%8a-%d8%a3%d9%85%d9%8a%d8%b1%d9%83%d8%a7-%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%a8%d9%86%d8%aa%d8%a7%d8%ba%d9%88%d9%86-%d9%88%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%a5%d8%af%d8%a7%d8%b1%d8%a9-%d9%88%d8%a7%d9%84%d8%a5%d9%86%d8%ac%d9%8a/
WASHINGTON — The Trump administration is sending mixed signals on the issue of U.S. security assistance to Lebanon. In recent days, senior officials within the administration confirmed that $105 million of aid to Lebanon has been put on hold by the White House. Earlier this month, however, the State Department’s assistant secretary for Near East Affairs said during a visit to Israel that the aid to Lebanon was not being withheld, and rejected Israeli requests to block it.
The United States provides Lebanon with security aid, including equipment and training to its armed forces. Israel has pressured the U.S. to condition the continuation of this aid on concrete steps by the Lebanese Armed Forces to distance itself from Hezbollah. Israel has accused the LAF of being infiltrated by Hezbollah and of cooperating with the Iran-supported organization, which is both a member of the Lebanese government and an active terror organization. Israel has made similar requests to other countries that provide aid to Lebanon, such as France and the United Kingdom.
In Washington, the administration is facing pressure from two directions on the Lebanese aid issue. On the one hand, lawmakers are promoting legislation that would limit aid to Lebanon unless the LAF can prove that it is taking concrete steps to distance itself from Hezbollah. In the House of Representatives, a bill on this subject, called the “Countering Hizballah in Lebanon’s Military Act,” proposes that the administration will have to present a report to Congress dealing with the LAF’s ties to Hezbollah, with a focus on members of the military who are also members of Hezbollah.
If the report does not show progress on the part of the Lebanese government in reducing Hezbollah’s influence on the army, 20 percent of the American aid intended for Lebanon will be withheld. The bill has 12 Republican co-sponsors, led by Rep. Lee Zeldin of New York, and one Democratic co-sponsor, Rep. Elaine Luria of Virginia. It includes a “national security waiver” that would allow the administration to avoid actually limiting the aid, but would require the president to sign a document announcing such a decision.
On the other hand, senior Democratic lawmakers are pushing the administration to explain why it is currently withholding $105 million of aid that was supposed to go to Lebanon. In a public letter on the subject, Rep. Eliot Engel (New York Democrat), who is chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, and Rep. Ted Deutch (Florida Democrat), who heads a sub-committee on the Middle East, sought answers about an “unexplained and indefinite” hold on security aid to Lebanon.
Engel and Deutch, who are considered pro-Israeli legislators with close ties to pro-Israel lobby organizations, explained in their letter that the $105 million currently being withheld from Lebanon is “necessary for building the capacity of the Lebanese government to maintain security and stability and to support the LAF in a variety of areas, including counter-terrorism, border security and implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701.” The White House, as of Wednesday, did not offer an explanation.
Adding to the confusion over the issue are two recent statements by senior State Department officials. David Schenker, the assistant secretary for Near East Affairs, said during a visit to Jerusalem earlier this month that the aid was not being withheld, but rather, going through a review process. He defended the aid and said that withholding it could actually push the Lebanese forces closer to Hezbollah and Iran.''
In Washington, meanwhile, the department’s Under Secretary for Political Affairs, David Hale, told lawmakers that a “hold had been placed” over the aid to Lebanon during the summer. Hale mentioned the issue as part of a deposition related to the ongoing impeachment investigation over President Donald Trump’s conduct toward Ukraine. Hale said that the aid to Lebanon was being held up at the same time that aid to Ukraine was being held up.
In the Ukrainian case, Congress is investigating whether Trump held up the aid in order to pressure the government in Kiev to open a politically-motivated investigation against the president’s political rival, former Vice President Joe Biden over his son’s business dealings in the country. The aid to Ukraine was released in September, shortly after a whistle blower from within the U.S. government reported Trump’s alleged effort to tie the aid issue to Ukraine investigating the Bidens.
In the Lebanese case, however, Hale said that the aid hasn’t yet been released, and added that there is “a dispute over the efficacy of the assistance” within the administration. Two sources close to the administration, who both asked not to be identified due to the sensitivity of the matter, told Haaretz that the White House initiated the decision to withhold the aid, and the State Department and the Pentagon were currently trying to get the funds released.
Pushing for change
For the Pentagon, the concern is that the withholding of the funds could contribute to growing instability in the country and strengthen Hezbollah and Iran. The Pentagon’s objections were known to the White House before the decision was taken. Supporters of the move to withhold the security aid warn that U.S. support is ending up in the hands of Hezbollah, and claim that conditioning the aid will give opponents of Hezbollah a strong argument for decreasing the organization’s involvement in the military.
One of the organizations pushing for a change of policy regarding the military aid to Lebanon is Christians United for Israel, the largest Christian evangelical pro-Israeli group in America. The organization wrote in a policy brief earlier this year that “Instead of being used to aid the LAF in reinforcing its borders and safeguarding its sovereignty as envisioned by the State Department, U.S. aid is being used to arm the very terrorist organization that threatens Lebanon’s sovereignty.”
Boris Zilberman, director of public policy and strategy for Christians United for Israel, told Haaretz that a helpful step for clarifying where exactly the administration stands on the issue would be a hearing about it on Capitol Hill. “With the developing political situation in Lebanon, including heightened concerns over Hezbollah’s increasing influence and questions about the status of U.S. assistance to the Lebanese Armed Forces, now would be an important time for the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to hold a hearing with administration officials to better understand U.S. policy,” he explained. Zilberman added that “Congress should insist on greater oversight of assistance to the LAF, and can start by passing bipartisan legislation already introduced which would condition a small portion of this aid to ensure it is not being used counter to U.S. interests.”

France leading international effort to help Lebanon
Randa Takieddine/Arab News/November 22/2019
With the Lebanese protests continuing well into their second month, French President Emmanuel Macron is looking to help the country by convening a group of friendly nations that are interested in its stability. Macron wants the International Support Group (ISG) for Lebanon to send a strong message to the Lebanese political class, pressing it to address the demands of the protesters, quickly form a credible government and implement reforms. This way, Lebanon will have the opportunity to receive the investments promised during the Cedre conference in Paris in April 2018.
The proposed French initiative signals its concern about the stability of Lebanon. The problem is that the political class in Lebanon has ignored the well-being of the people for decades because of its corrupt ill-management, which benefits only the few in power and their supporters. The social and economic crises in the country — the worst since the civil war — have pushed young people to the streets. The protesters are fueled by anger over this corruption and the sectarianism of the politicians who have governed the country for so long.
This anger pushed demonstrators to constantly ask for the entire political class to leave power, and this message was understood internationally. The international community is aware that the Lebanese government has failed for more than 18 months to carry out the reforms Cedre’s main investors expected in order to start helping Lebanon.
France’s special envoy in charge of Cedre, Pierre Duquesne, has repeatedly visited Lebanon, warning Prime Minister Saad Hariri and his government of the dangers of not going ahead with the expected reforms. He explained many times that the interest of international donors and investors — and the $7 billion they pledged — will not last forever. But the political class has failed to carry out any reforms.
People have taken to the streets because they are fed up with a political system that is based on sectarianism, nepotism and corruption. They are asking for basic rights such as electricity, clean water, garbage removal and recycling. These could have been dealt with quickly had the government implemented the reforms requested by the Cedre conference.
When the Lebanon uprising started and forced Hariri to offer his resignation, France sent an envoy, Christophe Farnaud, to have talks with all the political actors, including Hezbollah’s Ammar Al-Moussawi and commander of the Lebanese army Gen. Joseph Aoun. Farnaud also asked to see representatives of the protesters, but they refused as they wanted to remain independent of foreign interference. Farnaud’s mission to Lebanon was wrongly described by many in the media and the public as mediation, when it was actually only an informative visit.
In Lebanon, France is widely considered to be a potential mediator. Its diplomats are allowed to see and talk to Hezbollah, while Europe has diplomatic relations with Hezbollah’s sponsor, Iran, although many French officials realize how bad the impact of Iranian policies are in the region. Farnaud’s impression upon his return was that tension is increasing — that the Lebanese situation is dangerously sliding toward total collapse with a possible violent outcome. He has warned all political actors, including Hezbollah, against resorting to violence and stressed on the need to protect protesters.
The Lebanese situation is dangerously sliding toward total collapse with a possible violent outcome.
After Farnaud’s return from Beirut, he met with his American and British counterparts, David Schenker and Stephanie Al-Qaq, respectively. France wants to move ahead with mobilizing the international community to help Lebanon. Macron wants to organize an ISG meeting to push the Lebanese to form a credible, efficient government that will quickly implement the Cedre reforms. All the countries discussing Lebanon agree that no blank checks should be handed out; in other words, no funds if reforms are not implemented.
France is keen on mobilizing support for Lebanon because it is convinced that a destabilized Lebanon is not in the interests of either the region or the international community. The question remains whether a meeting of the ISG within the coming two weeks can do anything for Lebanon if no independent government is formed, with capable and honest new ministers as requested by the protesters. With Hezbollah and its Christian allies, represented by President Michel Aoun and his son-in-law and Foreign Minister Gebran Bassil (a most-hated figure among the protesters), insisting on a political government with approximately the same people in charge, it is difficult to see how France can succeed in its mobilization efforts.
The ISG meeting should aim to give a strong signal to the Lebanese political leaders that, if they do not take into account the legitimate demands of the protesters and form an efficient and credible government, collapse and chaos will follow. However, the political class seems to be in complete denial of what the people on the streets are striving for.
*Randa Takieddine is a Paris-based Lebanese journalist who headed Al-Hayat’s bureau in France for 30 years. She has covered France’s relations with the Middle East through the terms of four presidents.

The Latest English LCCC Miscellaneous Reports And News published on November 21-22/2019
As Internet Slowly Returns, US Sanctions Telecom Minister
London- Asharq Al-Awsat/Friday, 22 November, 2019
The internet slowly trickled back on in Iran on Friday after a days long shutdown by authorities amid protests and unrest that followed government-set gasoline prices sharply rising, as America´s top diplomat urged demonstrators to send videos "documenting the regime´s crackdown."
Also, the US Treasury slapped on Friday punitive sanctions on Iran's communications minister, Mohammad Javad Azari Jahromi, after the Tehran regime blocked internet communications amid violent protests triggered by a petrol price hike.
"We are sanctioning Iran's Minister of Information and Communications Technology for restricting internet access, including to popular messaging applications that help tens of millions of Iranians stay connected to each other and the outside world," said Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin in a statement.
"Iran's leaders know that a free and open internet exposes their illegitimacy, so they seek to censor internet access to quell anti-regime protests," Mnuchin said. A week after the gasoline hike, the loosening of the internet shutdown suggests Iran´s government believes it put down the demonstrations that rapidly turned violent, seeing gas stations, banks and stores burned to the ground. Amnesty International said it believes the unrest and the crackdown killed at least 106 people. Iran disputes that figure without offering its own. A UN office earlier said it feared the unrest may have killed "a significant number of people."
Writing on Twitter in Farsi, Pompeo asked demonstrators to send the US videos of violence by authorities in the protests to a special channel of the encrypted message app Telegram, widely used among Iran´s 80 million people."I have asked the Iranian protestors to send us their videos, photos, and information documenting the regime´s crackdown on protestors," Pompeo followed up in another tweet in English. "The US will expose and sanction the abuses."
It´s unclear what further sanctions America can levy as it has already crippled Iran´s crucial oil exports and other industries since President Donald Trump unilaterally withdrew from Tehran´s nuclear deal with world powers in May 2018. The US also has sanctioned Iran´s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and other top-ranking officials. That decision has led Iran to break the accord´s enrichment, stockpile, and centrifuge limits over months of wider tensions that have seen attacks across the Mideast that the US blames on Tehran. Iran denies being behind many of those assaults, though it claimed shooting down a US military surveillance drone and seizing several oil tankers. Starting on Saturday, Iran shut down the internet across the country, limiting communications with the outside world. That made determining the scale and longevity of the protests incredibly difficult. Since Thursday, that outage began to slightly lift. By Friday, internet connectivity stood at around 15% of normal levels, according to the monitoring group NetBlocks. "Iranians need the real internet back so they can communicate and prosper," NetBlocks said.
That concern over the shutdown also was reflected in a statement Friday by UN human rights experts, who expressed their own alarm about the situation. They said authorities "may have used excessive force against those participating in the protests."
"A countrywide network shutdown of this kind clearly has a political purpose: to suppress the right of Iranians to access information and to communicate at a time of rising protest," the experts said. "Such an illegitimate step deprives Iranians not only of a fundamental freedom but also basic access to essential services."On Friday, the streets of Tehran were quiet, though a heavy presence of anti-riot security forces and police stood guard on the streets. Ebrahim Raisi, the head of Iran´s judiciary, warned in a speech in Tehran that consequences await violent demonstrators.
"Those who in recent days misused the atmosphere and the people´s demands and concerns, instigated riots in the society, created insecurity, made the hearts of women and children tremble, attacked public property and looted people´s belongings, they and their masters must know that a harsh punishment is awaiting them," Raisi said. Already, a hard-line newspaper has suggested protest leaders could face executions by hanging. Raisi reportedly served on a so-called death panel during the mass executions of political prisoners in 1988 in Iran after the end of its long war with Iraq. Raisi has never publicly acknowledged his role in the executions, even during his failed presidential campaign in 2017. Meanwhile, the deputy head of Tehran University told the semiofficial ILNA news agency he hoped students detained during campus protests over the fuel price hike will be released Saturday. Several dozen were believed to be held and some already have been released. "We do not currently know which authority has detained the students," Tehran University Vice Chancellor Majid Sarsangi told ILNA. Among those on the streets have been members of Iran´s paramilitary Revolutionary Guard, whose members and volunteers are answerable only to Khamenei himself. The acting commander of the force, Gen Ali Fadavi, boasted Friday that his force could "manage the riots within 48 hours," the semi-official Fars news agency close to the Guard said.
However, Fadavi offered a warning as well. "The riots are not the last one and it definitely will happen again in the future," he said.

Saudi Arabia Condemns Iran's Continued Violations Related to Its Nuclear Program
Asharq Al-Awsat/Friday, 22 November, 2019
Saudi Arabia affirmed that the Iranian regime's expansionist ideology and interventions in the region came at the expense of its people. The regime used the revenue from the nuclear agreement to implement its expansionist ideology and interventions in the region. This came in a speech delivered by Prince Abdullah bin Khalid bin Sultan bin Abdulaziz, Saudi Ambassador to Austria and the Governor of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) during the discussion of the item (Verification and Monitoring in the Islamic Republic of Iran in Light of the UN Security Council resolution. No. (2231) of 2015) in the session of the Board of Governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency held here during the period November 21-22, 2019. Prince Abdullah said that the reports issued by the IAEA regarding Iran's violations of the nuclear agreement in the level of uranium enrichment, the quantity produced from it, the installation of advanced centrifuges, the suspension of all its research and development obligations, and its recent uranium enrichment at the Fordow facility, is a threat to the international community, the Saudi Press Agency (SPA) reported.
He said that it confirms the inadequacy of the nuclear agreement with Iran and reinforces doubts about the intentions and peacefulness of its nuclear program. Prince Abdullah also stressed that Iran has used the economic return of the nuclear agreement in provoking internal unrest in neighboring countries, in light of its insistence on the development of ballistic missiles, and support for terrorist groups in the region, including the threat to international navigation and maritime straits, and destabilize the security and stability of the region in particular and the world in general instead of using that revenue to serve its internal development and improve the conditions of the Iranian people. The ongoing Iranian irregularities in relation to its nuclear program, and with the recent disclosure of the presence of nuclear material in an undisclosed location in Iran, and the failure of the Iranian side to provide adequate information and consistent with the results of analysis of samples taken by the Agency from the site, justify Saudi call on the international community to take all deterrent measures towards Iran in order to ensure the maintenance of international peace and security, and to limit Iran's actions and its aggressive behavior over the past 40 years in the region and the world, he noted. Prince Abdullah said that the Kingdom welcomed the contents of the joint ministerial statement of the three European parties to the agreement and the High Representative of the European Union, welcoming the US decision to end the exemption of Iran's Fordow nuclear facility from sanctions as of December 15, 2019.

Israeli Airstrike Kills Ninth Family Member in Gaza
Gaza- Asharq Al-Awsat/Friday, 22 November, 2019
A Palestinian wounded in an Israeli strike that killed eight members of his family has died, the health ministry in the Hamas-run strip said on Friday. Mohammed Abu Malhous al-Sawarka, 40, succumbed after being wounded in "the massacre in which eight members of a family died when they were targeted in their homes," ministry spokesman Ashraf al-Qudra said in a statement. It said he was the brother of Rasmi Abu Malhous who was killed when his home was hit by an airstrike on November 14. Five children and Rasmi's two wives were also killed. Israel has pledged to investigate the incident, saying that their intelligence reports had indicated "no civilians were expected to be harmed". Israel described Rasmi as an Islamic Jihad commander, but Gaza residents have suggested it may have been a case of mistaken identity. The three-day flareup began when Israel killed a senior Islamic Jihad official in Gaza on November 12. The group, which is closely allied with Gaza's rulers Hamas, subsequently fired more than 450 rockets at Israel. During the confrontation Israeli forces attacked dozens of targets in the enclave. Palestinian officials said 35 Palestinians were killed and more than 100 wounded. There were no Israeli fatalities.

Palestinians: Israeli Settlers Burn Cars in West Bank
Asharq Al-Awsat/Friday, 22 November, 2019
Palestinian officials said Israeli settlers attacked five villages in the occupied West Bank overnight, torching vehicles and olive trees, and leaving graffiti on the walls of homes. Ghassan Daghlas, a spokesman for the Nablus governorate, said the Jewish settlers set fire to five cars and spray-painted graffiti on more than 20 others. Villagers circulated photos of the damage on social media, the Associated Press reported. Israeli police said they are investigating the reports and that police and military units will visit the area. Hundreds of thousands of Jewish settlers live in the West Bank, which Israel occupied in the 1967 Mideast War. The Palestinians claim the West Bank as part of their future state.

Several Iraqi Protesters Killed in Baghdad, Sistani Warns Against Current Situation
Asharq Al-Awsat/Friday, 22 November, 2019
Iraqi officials said three protesters have been killed and 25 wounded amid ongoing clashes with security forces near a strategic bridge in Baghdad. According to security and hospital sources three people were killed Friday on Baghdad’s Rasheed Street in clashes with security forces.
Two protesters died because of tear gas, and one due to live rounds fired by security forces. The officials requested anonymity in line with regulations, the Associated Press reported. The clashes come hours after some of the most violent clashes between anti-government protesters and security forces in recent days. At least 10 protesters were killed Thursday in clashes on the same street, which is very close to Ahrar Bridge. Protesters occupy several Baghdad squares and parts of three bridges in a standoff with security forces. The bridges lead to the heavily fortified Green Zone, the seat of Iraq’s government. Meanwhile, Iraq's top Shiite Muslim cleric, Ali al-Sistani, called on Friday for politicians to hurry up in reforming electoral laws because the changes would be the only way to resolve weeks of deadly unrest. "We affirm the importance of speeding up the passing of the electoral law and the electoral commission law because this represents the country moving past the big crisis," his representative said, Reuters reported.

Egypt: Awqaf Ministry Vows to Terminate Services of Imams Linked to 'Terrorist Groups'
Cairo - Walid Abdulrahman/Asharq Al-Awsat/Friday, 22 November, 2019
The Egyptian Ministry of Awqaf tightened its grip on imams of mosques and terminated the service of 10, preventing them from delivering sermons, adding that the measures aim to control the religious discourse away from extremism, according to a ministry source. The ministry issued directives to all mosques in Egypt, preventing them from enabling or supporting the 10 dismissed imams and prevent them from preaching ahead of the public. It asserted that it will not hesitate to terminate the services of any person who is affiliated or associated with any terrorist group or commit a crime against the homeland, asserting that it relies on the judicial rulings in such cases. The Awqaf has already taken control of mosques belonging to the fundamentalists and prevented anyone from collecting donations inside or around mosques. It also unified Friday sermons to avoid the discussion of political matters. The source told Asharq Al-Awsat, that the ministry has already warned imams and preachers in mosques against belonging to any organization or group, so as not to affect their independence in advocacy work, which addresses the public interest. Awqaf Minister Mohamed Mokhtar Gomaa asserted that the preservation of the pulpit and the dissemination of the true religion is an issue of religious and national security. He added that the authorities will not tolerate those who violate the instructions issued by the Ministry. On previous several occasions, Egyptian authorities have tried to tighten control over the mosques and developed a law for rhetoric, which limited delivering the sermons and lessons in the mosques to imams of al-Azhar, and announced it will fine or imprison anyone who violates those conditions.

Yemen: US Lauds Hadi’s Peace Efforts
Cairo, Riyadh- Asharq Al-Awsat/Friday, 22 November, 2019
Yemeni President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi discussed on Thursday with the US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Timothy Lenderking the strong Yemen-US relations based on strategic cooperation and partnership to counter terrorism, secure maritime navigation, and end the coup of Houthi militias in accordance with the three references. The President lauded the US support to Yemen and its constitutional leadership and unity, according to state-owned Saba News Agency. The US Deputy Assistant reiterated the US support for Yemen, its unity, and legitimate government represented by President Hadi.
He voiced the administration’s appreciation to Hadi's efforts to achieve peace in Yemen including the Riyadh Agreement between the government and Transitional Council which Lenderking considered a significant move to enhance peace, security, and stability. He also affirmed the ongoing cooperation and coordination between the two friendly countries to serve the common interests. Meanwhile, President Hadi received a number of local forces from Hadhramout, during which he praised their support for the state and the federal principle of government based on justice, equality, and rule of law. In a meeting with Hadhramout's Deputy Governor for the Affairs of the Plain and Desert Districts Isam al-Kathiri in Riyadh, Hadi appreciated the efforts of the local authority to normalize the situation, establish security, and provide services to citizens. The President stressed the importance of expediting the pace of development, enhancing services and infrastructure, and attracting investments for the good of Yemen in general, and Hadhramout in particular. In other news, Speaker of the Arab Parliament Mishaal al-Salami condemned Iran's recognition of the Houthi ambassador and the handover of the Yemeni embassy in Tehran to them.
The Speaker described this step as “a flagrant violation of diplomatic norms and a blatant breach of the United Nations Charter, Vienna Convention, and relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolution No. (2216) of 2015."He described the Iranian recognition of the Houthi rebel group as an attempt to impose a fait accompli, which represents aggressive behavior and an infringement on Yemen's sovereignty. He held the Arab Parliament and Iran responsible for the consequences of this stance and its obstruction to the efforts to reach a political solution in Yemen. He described it as a threat to the peace and security of neighboring countries, calling on the UN Security Council and General Assembly to take the necessary measures to protect the diplomatic buildings of Yemen in Iran from any assault or damage. Salami reiterated that the Arab Parliament supports the internationally-recognized legitimacy in Yemen, represented by Yemeni President Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi.

The Latest LCCC English analysis & editorials from miscellaneous sources published on November 22-23/2019
The Great Saudi-Iranian Proxy Game
Buddhika Jayamaha, Kevin S. Petit, Jahara Matisek, William Reno, Matthew A. Rose and Molly Jahn
Middle East Quarterly/Fall 2019
Demonstrators mark the anniversary of the 1979 takeover of the U.S. embassy, Tehran. Competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia has been a staple of regional politics since two events in 1979: the Iranian revolution and the siege of the Grand Mosque in Mecca.
Iran and Saudi Arabia have their fingerprints on every battleground in the Middle East.[1] Both countries support proxy militias that align with their own politics, and both interfere in their neighbors' affairs to advance their own interests. These external interventions bolster foreign clients who, in turn, support the patron regime back home, further legitimizing Tehran and Riyadh's roles as regional hegemons.
The purist version of Shiite Islam propagated by Iran and the Saudi-Sunni Wahhabi version are mirror images of each other. They are natural enemies that justify themselves by labeling each other apostates. The ritualistic chant of "Death to America" at Iranian state-sponsored events is merely part of the script. Exporting the conservative Saudi form of Islam validates royal rule in a similar way.
Peace in the region will remain elusive as long as Tehran and Riyadh remain on a collision course. The ideal solution would be for both states to transform into democracies that no longer see each other as adversaries. In the meantime, Washington must do what it can to manage, rather than resolve, the conflict and shape the regional context in its favor.
The Ghosts of 1979
Competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia has been a staple of regional politics since two momentous events in 1979: the Iranian revolution and the siege of the Grand Mosque in Mecca.
The Iranian revolution created a militant Shiite theocracy that advances a hostile anti-Western form of Islam. The regime's foreign policy objectives include exporting its religious-political doctrine, empowering Shiite peoples abroad, undermining Western interests in the Middle East, and establishing itself as a regional hegemon.[2] All of this takes place along geopolitical, military, economic, and ideological lines. For instance, Iran promotes a Shiite pilgrimage to Karbala in Iraq to undermine the hajj to Mecca.
Saudi insurgents seized the Grand Mosque in 1979 and denounced the House of Saud for abandoning the puritanical path of Wahhabism. In response, the Saudis adopted the insurgents' ideology as their de facto domestic and external policy, sowing the seeds of anti-Western jihadism.
In Saudi Arabia in 1979, insurgents seized the Grand Mosque in Mecca and repudiated the House of Saud. The monarchy crushed the rebels but took up their cause for political expediency. It permitted Sunni clerics to impose their fundamentalist version of anti-Western Islam at home, halting social and economic liberalization. The regime's paradoxical bargain led to the export of explicitly anti-American Salafist Wahhabism at a time when the Saudis relied on the West for security.
The Iranian revolution and the Grand Mosque seizure forced the Iranian and Saudi elites to develop new survival strategies. Each responded by exporting ideologically tailored religious beliefs that justify their rule. Two competing Islamic schools of thought emerged, one in Qom, the other in Jeddah.
Yet forty years later, the two countries face surprisingly similar challenges—from globalization-induced societal changes, to the surge of Sunni jihadism, to regional civil wars, to the political instability attending the "Arab Spring." Both are also ruled by ailing leaders and are bracing for a succession crisis at a time when a majority of their citizens no longer accept the regimes' narratives and openly challenge them although a fervent, loyal minority still actively supports each government for ideological and economic reasons.[3]
At the same time, the two countries are on divergent paths with Riyadh attempting reforms led by Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman (MBS), and Tehran doubling down on its revolutionary goals. For its part, Washington hopes to maintain regional stability in a post-ISIS world and prevent the collapse of its allies.[4] This will require long-term U.S. pressure on its regional partners for robust reforms as difficult as that may be in Saudi Arabia given the precarious nature of the alliance, and the pursuit of strategies that encourage the Iranian regime's self-destructive impulses.
The Domestic Logic of Regional Interventions
The Iranian revolution transformed the country's politics, military, and soft power. It turned Iran into a theocracy under a velayat e-faqih (governance of the jurist) system with ayatollahs as the new royalty.[5] They hoped to survive by creating a purist version of Shiite Islam and exporting it via soft power, such as through the Iranian Red Crescent Society and mosque and school construction[6] and by hard power by arming numerous proxy Shiite militias—from the Lebanese Hezbollah, to the Yemenite Houthi rebels, to a string of Iraqi militias including Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kata'ib Hezbollah.[7] In the despairing words of an Iraqi bureaucrat: "You don't know what imperialism is like until you have been an Iraqi Arab dealing with Persian imperialists."[8]
Even though Iran's interventions sometimes conflict with the regime's domestic rhetoric, both serve the supreme leader's overall strategy. Creating an Iranian security umbrella that protects Shiite people in the Middle East and beyond (e.g., Herat in Afghanistan and Tanzania in Africa) is essential for the regime. Tehran is also not deterred from making tactical alliances on the ground that run counter to its ideology if these advance its strategy. For instance, Iraqi Kurds in the Sargat region near the Iranian border who lived under the Salafi Jamaat Ansar as-Sunna reported that these jihadists would not have been able to establish themselves without Iranian backing. When U.S. troops attacked Jamaat Ansar in 2003, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and Iranian border guards provided refuge and medical care to the Sunni jihadists.[9] Iran also supports the Palestinian Islamic Jihad because Israel is their common enemy, despite the fact that they oppose each other ideologically.
Iran and Syria made a tactical alliance with Islamic extremists during the Iraq war to deny Washington success there.
Iran and Syria made a similar tactical alliance with Islamic extremists during the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq to deny Washington success there.[10] Ironically, the smuggling networks that funneled jihadist fighters into Iraq to fight U.S. troops were used by the Islamic State (ISIS) and other rebels during the Syrian civil war. Similar tactical alliances have since been muddled by Iranian-U.S. military cooperation in the war against ISIS.[11]
In Saudi Arabia, reactions to the Grand Mosque siege and the Iranian revolution fundamentally reshaped the government's decision-making process in both domestic and foreign affairs. The insurgents who besieged the mosque were primarily Salafi jihadists from the Nejd heartland, the backbone of the Saudi tribal structure upholding the monarchy. That rebels from this region attacked the Grand Mosque using local grievances to justify their actions devastated the royal family. The insurgents and their allies hated the country's modernization including improved education, cinemas, and the mixing of genders in public places, and they blamed these evils on oil wealth.[12] They also denounced the House of Saud for abandoning the puritanical path of Wahhabism.[13]
In response to the domestic rebellion and the Shiite theocracy in Iran, the Saudi monarchy crafted a new social contract that has shaped its foreign interventions. Although the Saudis defeated the rebels, the insurgents' ideology became de facto Saudi domestic and external policy. The government reversed its modernization process, rigorously reapplied its version of Wahhabism at home, and exported it globally with oil money.[14]
Houthis protest against airstrikes by the Saudi-led coalition, Sana'a, September 2015. The Saudis have made tactical alliances that contradicted their dogma. The Houthi rebels, now Iranian-backed, were once Riyadh's allies during the North Yemen civil war of 1962-70.
From Morocco to Indonesia, and from the Balkans to China's Xinjiang province (formerly known as East Turkestan), the Saudi government funded and supported Salafi Wahhabism in mosques and madrassas, leading to the proliferation of Salafism across the globe and sowing the seeds of anti-Western jihadism. The philosophical foundations of Wahhabism are an explicit reaction against—and a rejection of—Western modernity.
Like Iran, the Saudis made tactical alliances that contrasted with their dogma. The Iranian-backed anti-Saudi Houthi rebels in Yemen, for instance, were once Riyadh's allies fighting against the Egyptian-led Yemeni Republican Forces in the North Yemen civil war of 1962-70.[15]
Domestic Change in Iran
The Iranian theocracy is an anachronism; it is ruled by clerics who combine a modern nation state with medieval Islamic mores. Many Iranians no longer believe in the tenets of the Islamic Revolution; protesters during the Green Movement in 2009 chanted "Death to the dictator ... Khamenei is a murderer. His rule is null and void."[16] Most Iranians also no longer support interventions abroad at a time when they face extreme economic uncertainty, poverty, and inequality at home.[17] Citizens are challenging the outdated Islamic laws now imposed with renewed vigor by religious elites to appease their base.[18] The ayatollahs are well aware that their power has waned and that regime survival requires "performance legitimacy" and economic growth. As a result, officials felt compelled to shake hands with the devil—the United States—and agree to a nuclear agreement, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015.[19]
It was logical for Iranian leaders to seek a deal with the West. The economy was failing, and they likely believed that Jerusalem and Washington were prepared to attack them. They must have known they could not win a war, especially if the West struck first. And they were keenly aware of how much damage the Stuxnet cyberattack wrought in 2010 to Iran's nuclear program. Iran's leaders also saw that they could pressure Israel with non-nuclear missiles and other weapon systems in Syria and Lebanon and use them as leverage in negotiations with Washington.[20]
The clerics hoped that sanctions relief would halt inflation, spur economic growth, and buy citizen loyalty as the IRGC, the Ministry of Intelligence (MOIS), and the Basij militia crushed any remaining pockets of dissent.[21]
Protests in Tehran's Grand Bazaar, June 2018. The Iranian economy is depressed thanks to U.S. sanctions, and a majority of educated Iranians with Internet access openly opposes a government out of step with the rest of society and the world.
However, the Green Movement, recent protests against the Syrian intervention, and myriad acts of everyday resistance such as women removing their veils in public and challenging the virtue police prove that many Iranians no longer believe in the foundational tenets of the revolution and see no value in exporting it.[22] Still, reformers who protest regime rule are targeted for not complying with Ayatollah Khamenei's strict behavioral codes.[23]
Faced with the struggle to maintain regional hegemony in the face of domestic opposition, the Iranian regime has resorted to an ultimately unsustainable strategy. Its explicit assertion of regional dominance forces it to step up domestic oppression and sculpt a government that is more a military dictatorship and less a theocracy.[24] Ultimately, the clerics are maintaining their grip on power in the short term by strengthening the military over the long term.
Tehran's assertion of regional dominance forces it to sculpt a government that is more a military dictatorship and less a theocracy.
So-called reformist clerics implement just enough cosmetic reforms to create a safety valve while at the same time enabling the IRGC and the intelligence agencies to mount offensive operations domestically. The leadership purchases loyalty with debt-fueled welfare programs administered by patronage networks to the rural minority that historically has supported the government.[25] This is only possible because the revolutionaries seized control of but did not destroy the modern institutions created by the shah. With regime legitimacy at an all-time low, clerics are aware that they cannot maintain stability this way forever. Religious elites must increasingly rely on the IRGC, the MOIS, the Basij militias, and religious courts to stamp out dissent.
Meanwhile, the Iranian military is stretched thin thanks to U.S. sanctions. The economy is depressed—again—and a majority of educated Iranians with Internet access openly opposes a government that is out of step with the rest of society and the world.[26]
Domestic Change in Saudi Arabia
Saudi Arabia, too, is an anachronism. It is an absolutist theocratic monarchy organized along feudal-royal lines with a modern veneer. It is one of the richest countries in the world but suffers extreme economic inequality. Moreover, the Saudi regime imposes barriers to social mobility and sanctions discriminatory practices. Shiite populations, for example, are considered apostates and have been marginalized.
Imposing Wahhabism at home and exporting it abroad reached its apogee during the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq and lasted until the Syrian civil war. The jihadists brought the war home to Saudi Arabia. But, the counterterrorism campaign unleashed by the regime increased domestic resistance by Shiite groups and disenfranchised Sunnis. The monarchy now attempts to survive—and manage a royal transition—by pursuing a series of tightly controlled top-down social reforms while doubling down on repression at home and flexing regional muscle abroad.[27]
The king and his anointed successor MBS appear to recognize that such an outdated system of government is an aberration in the twenty-first century, and they are likely to understand the costs of supporting jihadists abroad. At home, MBS is opting for gradual modernization with only cosmetic changes to allay domestic resistance while consolidating monarchical power. Reforming institutions might provoke rebellion from the traditional power brokers in a society where few of those in power see any reason to relinquish control.
Unlike Iran, where ayatollahs put a religious veneer on the modern state built by the shah, Saudi institutions have a medieval structure. Everything from security institutions to the Ministry of Youth Affairs are patronage networks divvied up between royal and affiliated clan members based on the familial alliances that helped unify the kingdom in 1932. The kingdom lacks rational, legal bureaucratic institutions and has few apolitical civil servants.[28] Various branches of the military and security agencies are virtual fiefdoms doled out to royal factions.[29] These are not effective organizations as leadership is inherited rather than earned. Institutions designed this way may help prevent coups, but they are extremely difficult to reform without first abolishing the monarchy, and no monarchy has ever written itself out of a job in favor of reform.
Any reformed and modern bureaucracy based on merit and apolitical technocracy would run counter to the existing feudal structure. MBS hopes to ensure stability by allowing each family to keep its fiefdom in return for a loyalty pledge,[30] but real reforms would require the removal of such fiefdoms, and creating losers could also foment instability. Saudis know that the crown prince is rearranging the patronage networks to consolidate his own power and eventual accession as king.[31] In the absence of a routinized process of succession, consolidating power essentially means getting the main royal factions and clans to pledge loyalty. That is why MBS arrested so many of the richest and most powerful royals in 2017. Loyalty need not be purchased. It can also be coerced.
A protest outside the Saudi Arabian Consulate General, Istanbul, following the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, October 2018. For Washington, alliances and regional security prerogatives seem to triumph over Western liberal principles. This explains why Washington has not addressed the conduct of the Saudi military in Yemen and the murder of Khashoggi.
The recent assassination of journalist Jamal Khashoggi must be viewed in this context. Khashoggi's reformist ideas were in line with those of MBS, as he was part of the royal establishment close to the previous king Abdullah though the family lost some influence with the accession of MBS. However, the House of Saud demands a monopoly on ideas for legitimacy even though the crown prince needs the allegiance of all prominent Saudi families, including the Khashoggis, to ensure that his reforms survive. The well-documented ordering of Khashoggi's assassination by MBS explicitly demonstrated the need for compliance from all major families while showing that the prince was confident enough to eliminate a vocal critic without fear of the international community or Saudi society demanding accountability.[32]
A Messy Middle East for Washington
Iranians and Saudis are both responding to regional and domestic changes by asserting power abroad. But while Riyadh is at least attempting to reform its system, Tehran is ramping up its repression. In both cases, U.S. influence attempts should be carried out covertly; overt attempts are likely to undermine U.S. objectives in both countries.
Tehran and Riyadh's struggle for dominance, coupled with Washington's strategic dithering, has degraded U.S. hegemony in the region.
Tehran and Riyadh's struggle for dominance since the Arab uprisings, coupled with Washington's strategic dithering, has degraded U.S. hegemony in the region.[33] Washington is now boxed in by strategic appropriateness, unable to base policy on Western liberal principles such as democracy and human rights because alliances and regional security prerogatives triumph. This is precisely why Washington has done so little to address the conduct of the Saudi military in Yemen and the murder of Khashoggi.
The reforms implemented by Saudi leaders seem to be only illusion, and Washington is caught in the unfortunate position of supporting an absolutist monarchy while seeking to undermine Tehran. Rulers in both countries believe that cosmetic changes alongside coercion will keep people compliant. However, the Internet and smartphones have made it difficult to stop the rising tide of modernity, especially as public defiance and insurgency take on new forms.[34]
U.S. strategic patience will be essential in compelling the Saudi monarchy to engage in slow but necessary reforms. The recent purges suggest MBS is attempting to transform the state while also removing internal critics. Washington could leverage its influence over Riyadh by helping Saudi institutions to address societal ills and grievances properly while preventing the royal family from falling into a civil war that could bring institutions down with them. The U.S. government has a precarious ally in Riyadh, and it must use its leverage carefully.
Iran, on the other hand, is economically and politically stretched thin and has escalated repression to maintain the status quo. The regime has long attempted to solidify its legitimacy domestically and abroad by targeting an enemy—Israel. And an attack against Israel could put the country on a war footing and solidify popular support. However, Washington can undermine Tehran's regional agenda by directing covert support to civil society groups and by creating local forces to combat and deter Iranian-backed proxies throughout the Middle East and Africa.
Washington has much to gain in the long term by facilitating the transformation of Saudi Arabia and Iran, but this will require a balancing act and an understanding of context in each society. Incremental rather than rapid reforms are necessary in Saudi Arabia for two reasons: first, to avoid provoking reactionaries as after the Mecca 1979 siege; second, to avoid a hasty reform-led institutional collapse. In Iran, institutions since 1979 have been resilient, but a transformation of the Iranian state away from clerical rule toward parliamentary government would be comparatively easier than in Saudi Arabia. Unfortunately, religious and military elites in Iran have no interest in transforming the state since their hold on power remains strong even after the Green Movement and the Arab uprisings.
Washington is caught in a terrible bind: It must support one of the least democratic and oppressive governments on earth while attempting to undermine a dogmatic but less undemocratic regime that rules over a well-educated and pro-Western population.[35]
The future of U.S strength in the Middle East rests squarely on how well political leaders thread the needle between Tehran and Riyadh while ensuring the security and stability of their regional allies. This will require U.S engagement with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), especially with Saudi Arabia, to solve the recent Qatari problem, where the GCC paints Qatar as a supporter of Iran because Qatari royals are challenging Saudi hegemony.[36] With a major U.S. air base on a 99-year lease in Qatar, and other military bases in neighboring GCC states, this will require careful negotiation by U.S. diplomats to steady the course with the Saudis while keeping Iran on its heels.
*Buddhika Jayamaha is a former airborne infantryman and veteran of the 82nd Airborne Division, United States Army, with numerous deployments to Iraq. He is an assistant professor of military and strategic studies at the U.S. Air Force Academy.
*Kevin S. Petit, United States Army, retired, spent multiple tours in Iraq and Afghanistan and is a faculty member at National Intelligence University.
*Jahara Matisek, United States Air Force, is an assistant professor at the United States Air Force Academy and a non-resident fellow at the Modern War Institute at West Point.
Will Reno is a political science professor at Northwestern University and an adjunct scholar at the Modern War Institute at West Point.
*Matthew A. Rose is a U.S. Department of Defense strategic planner and U.S. Army Reserve officer. He has deployed to the Middle East and Asia and earned master's degrees from the United States Army War College and the National Intelligence University.
*Molly Jahn is a professor at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
The views expressed here do not reflect the position of any organization or institution.
[1] Shahram Chubin and Charles Tripp, Iran-Saudi Arabia Relations and Regional Order (New York: Routledge, 2014).
[2] Shireen Hunter, Iran's Foreign Policy in the Post-Soviet Era: Resisting the New International Order (New York: ABC-CLIO, 2010); Ariane M. Tabatabai, "Domestic politics in Iran and a future regional process," in Chen Kane and Egle Murauskaite, eds., Regional Security Dialogue in the Middle East: Changes, Challenges and Opportunities (New York: Routledge, 2014), pp. 129-46.
[3] Abbas Milani, "The Green Movement," Iran Primer, United States Institute of Peace, Washington, D.C., Oct. 6, 2010; Rula Jebreal, "Saudi Arabia's Mohammed Bin Salman Charmed the West but Rules at Home with an Iron Fist," Newsweek, Aug. 30, 2018.
[4] Feisal al-Istrabadi, "Regional Constraints on the US Confrontation of ISIS," in Feisal al-Istrabadi and Sumit Ganguly, eds., The Future of ISIS: Regional and International Implications (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2018), pp. 173-98; Brett McGurk, "Hard Truths in Syria: America Can't Do More with Less, and It Shouldn't Try," Foreign Affairs, May/June 2019.
[5] Baqer Moin, Khomeini: Life of the Ayatollah (New York: Thomas Dunne Books, 1999), p. 153.
[6] Hassan Dai, "Middle Eastern Interventions in Africa: Tehran's Extensive Soft Power," Middle East Quarterly, Fall 2018.
[7] J. Matthew Mcinnis, "Iranian Deterrence Strategy and Use of Proxies," statement before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on "Defeating the Iranian Threat Network: Options for Countering Iranian Proxies," Washington, D.C., Nov. 29, 2016.
[8] Fieldwork and in-person author interviews with Iraqi officers and civil servants, Baghdad, Apr. 2018 and Kirkuk, Suleimaniya, and Erbil, Iraqi Kurdistan, Apr. 2018 and Dec. 2018.
[9] Fieldwork and in-person author interviews with Peshmerga and Iraqi-Kurdish civilians, Hawraman, Iraqi Kurdistan, Mar. 2017-Apr. 2018.
[10] Christina Steenkamp, "The Crime-Conflict Nexus and the Civil War in Syria," Stability: International Journal of Security and Development, Sept. 28, 2017.
[11] Ariane Tabatabai and Dina Esfandiary, "Cooperating with Iran to Combat ISIS in Iraq," The Washington Quarterly, Fall 2017, pp. 129-46.
[12] Joseph Nevo, "Religion and National Identity in Saudi Arabia," Middle Eastern Studies, July 1998, pp. 34-53.
[13] Yaroslav Trofimov, The Siege of Mecca: The 1979 Uprising at Islam's Holiest Shrine (New York: First Anchor Books, 2008), pp. 14-6, 25, 122, 171.
[14] Karen Elliott House, On Saudi Arabia: Its People, Past, Religion, Fault Lines and Future (New York: Vintage, 2013), pp. 33-101.
[15] Ginny Hill, Yemen Endures: Civil War, Saudi Adventurism and the Future of Arabia (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017), pp. 9-32.
[16] Milani, "The Green Movement."
[17] Alireza Nader, "Why the Iranian Uprisings Won't Die," Politico, Jan. 7, 2018.
[18] Abbas Milani, "Iran's Incremental Revolution," The Atlantic, Apr. 10, 2015.
[19] BBC News, May 8, 2018 .
[20] Ariane Tabatabai and Dina Esfandiary, Triple-Axis: China, Russia, Iran and Power Politics (London: I. B. Tauris, 2018), pp. 126-42.
[21] BBC News, June 18, 2009.
[22] Ali Fathollah-Nejad, "Iranians respond to the regime: 'Leave Syria alone!'" Al-Jazeera (Doha), May 1, 2018.
[23] The New York Times, Jan. 2, 2018.
[24] Saeid Golkar, Captive Society: The Basij Militia and Social Control in Iran (New York: Columbia University Press, 2015), pp. 1-12.
[25] Afshon Ostovar, Rebecca Edelston, and Michael Connell, On Shifting Sands: Iranian Strategy in a Changing Middle East (Alexandria, Va.: CNA Analysis and Solutions, 2013), pp. 87-96.
[26] "Sanctions on Iran Are Working," Iran Focus News Service (U.K.), June 28, 2018.
[27] Mehran Kamrava, "The Arab Spring and the Saudi-led Counterrevolution," Orbis, Jan. 1, 2012, pp. 96-104.
[28] Yousif Makki, "Not what it seems: The role of the tribe in state–society relations in Saudi Arabia," Contemporary Arab Affairs, Nov. 2011, pp. 445-62.
[29] Steffen Hertog, Princes, Brokers, and Bureaucrats: Oil and the State in Saudi Arabia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2010), pp. 61-136.
[30] Karen Elliott House, "Profile of a Prince: Promise and Peril in Mohammed bin Salman's Vision 2030," Harvard Kennedy School, Belfer Center Paper, Apr. 2019, pp. 1-44.
[31] Reuters, Nov. 5, 2017.
[32] "Annex to the Report of the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions: Investigation into the unlawful death of Mr. Jamal Khashoggi," United Nations Human Rights Council, New York, A/HRC/41/CRP.1, June 19, 2019, pp. 1-99.
[33] Kim Ghattas, "The Saudi-Iran War Comes to Washington," Foreign Policy, June 12, 2017; Jahara Matisek and Ian Bertram, "The Death of American Conventional Warfare: It's the Political Willpower, Stupid," The Strategy Bridge, Washington, D.C., Nov. 5, 2017.
[34] William Reno and Jahara Matisek, "A New Era of Insurgent Recruitment: Have 'New' Civil Wars Changed the Dynamic?" Civil Wars, Aug. 30, 2018, pp. 358-78.
[35] Ben Winsor, "The Truth about Iran: 5 Things That May Surprise Westerners," Business Insider (New York), Sept. 5, 2014; Doug Bandow, "Iran Is Dangerous, but Saudi Arabia Is Worse," Forbes, Jan. 5, 2016.
[36] Grant Clark and Mohammed Sergie, "Why Tiny Qatar Angers Saudi Arabia and Its Allies," Bloomberg (New York), June 5, 2017.

Sweden: The Price of Migration
Judith Bergman/Gatestone Institute/November 22/2019
"The industries have a very limited need for people without experience and education." — Johanna Odö, municipal councilor; Aftonbladet, October 3, 2019.
Now, to save money, the Ystad municipality will no longer serve hot meals to the elderly and cleaning services will be limited to once every three weeks.
Motala municipality had said that it would lower the heat in buildings managed by the city, including old age homes, to save money. "We will take care of the elderly; they will not be freezing, they can have blankets," the message went.
Meanwhile, in June, the Swedish parliament voted in favor of a law that is likely to increase immigration to Sweden based on family reunification.
Every fourth municipality and every third region in Sweden ran a budget deficit in 2018. Many municipalities are making budget cuts. The cities of Ystad and Motala will no longer serve hot meals to the elderly. Motala announced that it would lower the heat in buildings managed by the city, including old age homes, to save money. Pictured: An elderly homeless man in Stockholm, Sweden. (Image source: iStock)
New figures from the European Union's statistical bureau, Eurostat, show that unemployment is rising in Sweden. According to Eurostat, unemployment there was 7.4% in August, whereas the EU average for August was 6.2 %. This leaves Sweden, on Eurostat's unemployment ranking of countries, at number 24 out of 28. According to the daily newspaper Expressen, one of the main reasons for Sweden's high unemployment happens to be the large number of immigrants that the country has taken in.
As late as February 2019, Sweden's Minister of Justice and Migration, Morgan Johansson, mocked those who worried that migration would lead to mass unemployment: "Do you remember when the doomsayers were squawking that migration would lead to mass unemployment?," he tweeted. "Now: unemployment continues to fall among foreign-born and young people. For domestic-born it is at a record low".
He cannot mock anyone now. In 2013, Social Democratic leader Stefan Löfven, who has been prime minister since 2014, said he would ensure that by 2020, Sweden would have the lowest unemployment in the EU. That is evidently not about to happen.
The disproportionately large influx of people who do not have the educational or language skills to work in the Swedish economy was never likely to help bring about the lowest unemployment in the EU. As previously reported by Gatestone, the small Swedish city of Filipstad exemplifies a place where the influx of non-Western migrants, some of them illiterate, with little or no education, has meant that the unemployment rate in that group is at 80%: they depend for their livelihoods on the municipality's social welfare program.
In 2015, during the European migration crisis, nearly 163,000 migrants arrived in Sweden seeking asylum -- primarily from Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq, according to a recent report by the daily newspaper Aftonbladet. Out of those 163,000 migrants, 60,000 received a residence permit. In the group of people over the age of 15, made up of 40,019 people, only 4,574 get their livelihood from employment, according to Aftonbladet's report. 18,405 people from the cohort live on welfare handed out by municipalities and 9,970 people receive funds for studying.
According to Aftonbladet, eight of the ten municipalities that received the most asylum seekers in 2015 have higher unemployment than the national average, and in all ten municipalities there is a higher proportion of the population living on welfare. Aftonbladet mentions Ljusnarsberg in Örebro County as the municipality that received the highest number of asylum seekers -- 230 per 1000 inhabitants. There, the unemployment rate is more than 10% and the number of welfare recipients is 22.9%. In Norberg, which received the second highest number in relation to its size, the unemployment rate is 8.6%. "The industries have a very limited need for people without experience and education," said municipal councilor Johanna Odö. "Even if we had money to hire more people, we would not find these people among those who are outside the labor market in our municipality today". Economist and professor Per Lundborg told Aftonbladet:
"Sweden is one of the most high-tech countries in the world, where we have cut simpler jobs. Therefore, the knowledge gap is too large for many of the refugee immigrants who come here".
In Malmö, where unemployment is 13.7 %, almost double the national average, the municipality is looking at a deficit of 390 million kroner ($40.2 million). "This is something we share with many other municipalities. It is due to the demographic development, where fewer [people] have to provide for more," the financial director of Malmö municipality, Anna Westerling, recently told the daily newspaper Sydsvenskan.
Every fourth municipality and every third region, according to a report by the Swedish Association of Local Authorities and Regions (SKL), had a budget deficit in 2018. At least 110 municipalities expect to run a deficit this year. (There are 290 municipalities and 21 regions in Sweden.)
Many municipalities therefore need to make budget cuts. In Ystad, in the south of Sweden, the municipality, as part of the services of the welfare state, helps the elderly with hot meals and cleaning services. Now, to save money, the municipality will no longer serve hot meals to the elderly and cleaning services will be limited to once every three weeks. The elderly will instead have to get ready-made meals from the supermarket.
"It's about trying to streamline our work processes. But also to inspire and rethink," said Dan Kjellsson, Social Manager of Ystad municipality, when interviewed for an article in Aftonbladet. The article also quoted the daughter of an elderly person who receives help:
"Imagine that you cannot do very much on your own, which is why [the municipality helps with] cleaning. Imagine the toilet, what it looks like after three weeks? How does it look in the kitchen, hygienically? I think there needs to be cleaning every two weeks" she said.
Motala municipality, according to a report in Aftonbladet, announced that it would lower the heat in buildings managed by the city, including old age homes, to save money. "We will take care of the elderly; they will not be freezing, they can have blankets," the message went.
The criticism of the proposed savings on care for the elderly in Motala, however, was so massive that the municipality had to back down. "It is good that Motala has changed its mind and listened. We assume that they have learned their lesson and that care for the elderly will be the last thing that is saved on in the future," said Eva Eriksson, the spokesperson for the organization of pensioners in Sweden, SPF Seniorerna. Motala municipality is also planning to save on hot meals for the elderly by replacing them with ready-made microwavable meals. It remains to be seen whether that idea will also be scrapped.
Meanwhile, in June, the Swedish parliament voted in favor of a law that is likely to increase immigration to Sweden based on family reunification. The Moderate Party and the Sweden Democrats were the only ones to vote against the proposal. "The government is completely relaxed about this. They are closing their eyes to what has happened after 2015," said Maria Malmer Stenergard, a Moderate Party MP; "there is still a crisis in the municipalities. We say no to this because we need a strict refugee policy."
*Judith Bergman, a columnist, lawyer and political analyst, is a Distinguished Senior Fellow at Gatestone Institute.
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How the West Can Protect Iran’s Brave Protesters
Bobby Ghosh/Bloomberg/November 22/2019
The full extent of the protests that erupted across Iran over the weekend is hard to gauge, not least because the regime in Tehran has shut down internet access for most of the country. That decision suggests that the regime feels more threatened by the latest demonstrations of public anger than it did by previous protests at the end of 2017.
This round was sparked by the government’s decision to raise gasoline prices, to plug a budgetary hole caused in part by US. sanctions. But as we’ve seen recently in Lebanon and Iraq, the mood in the streets quickly morphed from complaints about gas prices to anger at general economic hardship — and then to an anger at Iran's system of government.
Despite the internet shutdown, videos circulated of protesters chanting slogans calling for the ouster of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. In some cities, they burned his posters — a brave thing to do in a theocracy that treats dissent with maximum cruelty.
Khamenei has had a bad few weeks: His name and image have been attacked in Baghdad and Beirut, as well as in his own country. He has backed the gas-price hike — with the careful caveat that he is not an expert in such matters. Characteristically, he has blamed “thugs” and foreigners for the protests and ordered a crackdown on Iranians voicing their unhappiness in the streets.
No surprise there: Khamenei fingered “enemies of Iran” for the 2017 protests; in reality, they were the result of rising food prices amid a general economic downturn. Then, too, he unleashed his security forces on the protesters.
President Hassan Rouhani, on the other hand, is unlikely to repeat the softer line he took on the 2017 protests, when he allowed that Iranians were right to protest. This time, since the demonstrations are the direct consequence of his decision, Rouhani is unlikely to be so charitable.
Will the protests continue despite the crackdown? Again, the internet blackout makes it hard to know. Iranians will have noted the stamina shown by Iraqis and Lebanese, who have kept up their demonstrations for weeks on end. But Iran Republic is much more brutal than Iraq or Lebanon, and Khamenei seems determined to prevent any repeat of the 2009 Green Movement, which rattled the regime.
The Trump administration will see the protests as proof that the sanctions campaign against Iran is working. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo professed solidarity with the protesters, tweeting, “The US is with you.” This is unlikely to reassure any Iranians who recall President Trump’s promise in early 2018 that they would receive “great support” from the US. It is hard to argue with the regime’s assertion that such pronouncements are “hypocritical.”
But they needn’t be. The administration can do at least two things, and quickly, to demonstrate real support for Iranians — and intensify the discomfiture of Khamenei and Rouhani. The first is to remove Iran from the list of countries that Trump ill-advisedly slapped with a visa ban in 2017. The second is to clear away the sanctions-related uncertainties over the trade of essential and live-saving drugs to Iran.
Allowing Iranians to travel to the US is self-evidently a good idea: The US has a long, proud history of giving shelter to citizens from enemy nations. (It would not be hard to make sure that regime officials are denied access.) The resulting brain drain would weaken Iran even as it gives the US the moral high ground.
Life-saving drugs and medical equipment are, technically, exempt from US sanctions. But confusion over what is and isn’t allowed and difficulty with processing payments have stymied Iranian importers. The Trump administration can easily solve these problems.
Doing both these things now, while the protests are raging, would make it harder for Iran’s leaders to deflect public anger by blaming the usual suspect. Small gestures, perhaps. But keeping Iran’s protesters focused on the true source of their torments can only be a good thing.

US strategy of maximum pressure is taking Iran to the brink
Dr. Theodore Karasik/Arabic News/November 22/2019
A few months ago, Iran launched drones and cruise missiles at Saudi Arabia in an unprecedented show of strategic and tactical thinking. It was a glorious moment for Tehran, and one of contemplation for the rest of the world on how best to respond. That question is still being asked today. This type of strike demonstrated a jump in strategy and technology. Many military analysts were taken aback by the attack because of its sophistication and pinpoint targeting.
But fast forward to the present, and there is no larger turnaround in fortunes than what is now besetting Iran. Hundreds of protesters have been killed in the worst uprising since the 1979 revolution. The protests that broke out across the country, in the wake of the announcement to increase fuel prices, exposed how the White House’s strategy of maximum pressure on Iran is taking the latter to the brink. With parliamentary elections slated for February 2020, issues perhaps once thought off limits may be allowed to release steam, further challenging the government as the sanctions squeeze continues. What is fascinating about these protests is that unlike the past, they are targeting the symbols of the foundation of the Islamic Republic itself. Posters of Iran’s aging leaders are being burned by broad cross sections of society that see the system as rotten to the core. Forty years after the revolution and months after its strike against Saudi Arabia, Tehran’s ability to rule is seriously being challenged by internal discontent. Although the protests of 2017 focused on the economy, today’s are displaying discontent with Tehran’s foreign policy adventures, and the toll they are taking on the country in terms of blood and treasure. Chants of “the return of the shah”, “clerics get lost” and “not Gaza, not Lebanon, my life only for Iran” are a measure of how much vitriol there is against the ruling establishment.
The protests, and attacks on physical structures representing religious authority, are illustrative of today’s anger. Authorities reported that nine seminaries and Friday prayer offices have been burned by protesters across the country. In Mashhad, Iran’s second-largest city, they have blocked traffic on streets and highways. The conservative Qom News published a video of a protest in Mashhad after Friday prayers in which a cleric tells a sizeable crowd: “Most of your representatives don’t care about people’s problems. Most have two passports and their families are abroad. The judiciary should find these people and arrest them.” Chants of “Allahu Akbar” (“God is the greatest”) follow from the crowd.
Iran seems to be on the precipice of major challenges and changes to its leadership.
Such sentiment in a religious city is a phenomenon that needs to be watched carefully for further such commentary. This type of language, against the corruption of an old order, is spread across the Levant too because of Tehran’s recklessness in using Iraq and Syria as hubs for its foreign operations. The revolutionary generation is dying off. The next generation may not be so fervent and dedicated to resistance. When the attacks on seminaries or Friday prayer offices are occurring, guards from the Basij, one of the forces of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), are failing at their job or defecting to join the protests, despite the high risk to themselves and their family. Iran seems to be on the precipice of major challenges and changes to its leadership, despite the ongoing crackdown and Tehran’s adjustment in budget priorities to deliver a bit of relief to the populace.
*Dr. Theodore Karasik is a senior adviser to Gulf State Analytics in Washington, D.C. He is a former RAND Corporation senior political scientist who lived in the UAE for 10 years, focusing on security issues. Twitter: @tkarasik

Turkey’s Daesh deportations pose a massive dilemma for Europe
Sinem Cengiz/Arab News/November 22/2019
With the instability in the Middle East growing by the day, European countries can no longer remain deaf and blind to the problems on their doorsteps.
As the flow of refugees has increased, borders have become porous, territoriality more fluid, and cultural boundaries shakier. Not surprisingly, these developments are not welcomed by European countries. Faced with a stark reality, they are panicking about the resultant risks to their own stability and security.
And now, after the flood of refugees, European nations face a second nightmare: The repatriation of their citizens who joined Daesh.
Ankara’s decision to send back to their home countries those foreign citizens who supported the terror group has forced Europe to confront a serious problem it had tried to avoid. Turkey recently sent a dozen Daesh members and their relatives back home to Britain, Denmark, Germany and the US, and President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has said hundreds more will follow. According to Turkish officials, Turkey is holding 2,280 Daesh members from 30 countries — all of whom will be deported.
This matter of the deportation of Daesh members and their families who were captured in Syria is controversial. Turkey argues that foreign-born terrorists should be sent home to their countries of origin, but many European nations have resisted this repatriation in a number of ways.
Britain, for example, stripped more than 100 people of citizenship to prevent them from being sent back. The French also staunchly oppose the repatriation of its citizens from Syria.
Germany, on the other hand, has taken steps to accept the return of suspected Daesh members. Officials said more than 130 people left the country to join the terror group, 95 of whom are German citizens and have the right to return to the country. French officials, however, said there has been no change in their policy and that those who left to join Daesh will not be allowed to return home or stand trial on French soil.
Suleyman Soylu, Turkey’s interior minister, criticized the uncooperative European countries, saying that their attempts to avoid dealing with the problem are unacceptable.
“When there is a Daesh member, they cancel his or her citizenship, making the person stateless. Then, they take no responsibility. We are not a hotel for Daesh members from other countries,” he said.
There is a growing populist opposition across Europe from a section of public unwilling to accept the return of those who joined the terrorists, over fears about the long-term threat they might pose. This has left many European leaders caught in limbo between seeking alternative ways to prosecute them or accepting their repatriation.
One solution is the prosecution of terror suspects by an international tribunal in Iraq. Seven French nationals have already been tried in a terrorism court in Baghdad, where they were given death sentences.
What happens to the European terror suspects and their families has the potential to become yet another source of conflict between Turkey and its European allies.
But European leaders cannot escape the reality that these people were radicalized on home soil. Just as Germany and some other European countries have rolled up their sleeves to deal with the issue of the repatriation of militants, the others should follow suit as this is the only way to guarantee the safety and security of Europe.
The issue of repatriation does not end here. The other complicated aspect of the problem is that nearly two-thirds of western European detainees, about 700, are children, many of whom have lost one or both parents. The downfall of the terrorist organization has left their fate in question.
The issue what to do with the children of foreigners who fought with Daesh in Syria and Iraq is posing a dilemma for the governments of their home countries. This is not a problem only in Europe, but the numbers are higher and risks far greater there than for the US or central Asian countries, for example. It is believed that more than 1,100 European citizens are detained in areas of northern Syria once controlled by Daesh.
Erdogan stated that some countries panicked when Turkey began the process of repatriating foreign Daesh terrorists. “Turkey has been worrying about this issue for years; let others worry now,” he said. With this statement, he sent the message that Turkey does not care about European concerns, just as Europe did not care about Turkey’s. Ankara also wanted to respond to allegations that it was not doing enough to counter the terrorist organization.
What happens to these European terror suspects and their families has the potential to become yet another source of conflict between Turkey and its European allies, who have spent large amounts of money to block the flow of asylum seekers from conflict-torn countries.
There is a well-known saying that advises there is no point fearing the inevitable. It is perhaps the perfect reminder of the situation, and a lesson, for those European countries who are stubbornly trying to avoid a reality that is staring them in the face.
*Sinem Cengiz is a Turkish political analyst who specializes in Turkey’s relations with the Middle East. Twitter: @SinemCngz

Iran and the Ayatollah’s Fake Suicide-Belt
Amir Taheri/Asharq Al Awsat/November 22/2019
http://eliasbejjaninews.com/archives/80786/%d8%a3%d9%85%d9%8a%d8%b1-%d8%b7%d8%a7%d9%87%d8%b1%d9%8a-%d8%a5%d9%8a%d8%b1%d8%a7%d9%86-%d9%88%d8%ad%d8%b2%d8%a7%d9%85-%d8%a2%d9%8a%d8%a9-%d8%a7%d9%84%d9%84%d9%87-%d8%a7%d9%84%d9%86%d8%a7%d8%b3%d9%81/
Like other totalitarian ideologies, from its murky beginnings in the 1960s, Khomeinism, has tried to encapsulate its raison d’etre in a single word.
The first word, used against the Shah’s reforms including equality for women and land for landless peasants, was “mashru’eh”, supposed to symbolize the primacy of religious law over manmade legislation.
In the early 1970s, the ayatollah adopted another word: “Islam”. He claimed he would not allow “one word more or one wordless.”
By the late 1970s, the magic word had been replaced with “Enqleab” that, in Persian, means “revolution”. Soon, however, the word lost all meaning as an emerging Nomenclature replaced the ousted ruling elites and started behaving worse than the fallen regime.
The magic word for the 1980s was “Jang” (war) which Khomeini said was “a blessing from God” to guide his “10-million-man army” to conquering the Middle East, including “Holy Shrines” in Iraq, and wiping Israel off the map as a starter for “ending America.”
As those dreams faded with the dawn of reality, like fog as the sun rises, another catchword was put into circulation:”muqawimah“(Resistance). But that magic word also proved hollow when the “Imam” drunk his chalice of poison and agreed to end the war with Iraq without having “liberated” either Karbala or Jerusalem.
Khomeini’s successor, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei tried to impose his ideological imprint by expanding the one-word shibboleth into a three-word one: “Tammadun novin Eslami” which means “the new Islamic civilization.”
To promote his slogan, the ayatollah wrote “open letters to the youth of the world”, inviting them to adopt the Khomeinist version of Islam as a template for a new civilization.
He also created a special office headed by the US-trained gynecologist Dr. Ali-Akbar Velayati, complete with a generous budget, to promote the idea.
In that capacity, Velayati went to Cairo in 2012 to advise then Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi to disband the army, create a revolutionary guard, and sign an alliance with Tehran.
At home, the message was that the current “Islamic civilization”, which, of course, had been a product of Iranian “thinkers”, had become ossified, no longer able to raise “pure Muhammadans thirsting for martyrdom.” It was necessary to teach the youth to forgo transient joys of life and strive after martyrdom “the highest peak of human achievement.”
It is now clear that Khamenei’s three-word slogan has failed to make as much as a ripple in the ocean of human reality.
Contrary to his expectations, the youths of the world are not forming queues to secure copies of his epistolary efforts from Islamic embassies, although these are given free.
Inside Iran, cultural production, from poetry to cinema, and passing by architecture and music, are, increasingly, emptied of whatever Islamic content they once had. Rahim-Pour Azghadi, a member of the High Council of Islamic Culture in Tehran laments “the virtual domination of Western culture” in people’s lives in the Islamic Republic.
Thus, when Iranians rose in rebellion last week, using the tripling of the price of petrol as a pretext to vent their anger and frustration, it was clear that Khamenei’s three-word slogan must now join Khomeini’s one-word ones in the graveyard of shibboleths.
Shaken by the popular uprising that, according to the Islamic Ministry of Interior, affected more than 100 cities, Khamenei and his team started looking for a new slogan. On the third day of the weeklong protests, that may or may not continue, albeit, with different rhythm and tempo, they came up with a new slogan: “amniyat” (security).
“Security is our red-line, Khamenei declared in one of his sermons to a captive audience.
“There can be no government, no country without security,” echoed the daily Kayhan that reflects the views of the “Supreme Guide”.
In an editorial, Kayhan spoke of “plundering people’s homes and shops, and burning government offices and killing many innocent citizens.”
For his part, Hojat al-Islam President Hassan Rouhani invited the people to cherish the security they enjoy and not allow it to be undermined by “evil troublemakers.”
To hammer-in the claim that the uprising threatened national security, the regime fomented a sense of insecurity. The state-controlled media run identical reports, concocted by a “star-chamber” of propagandists, about shopping malls and supermarkets being looted, bank branches robbed and set on fire. They also claimed that “foreign agents and killers” had organized and led the protests.
To thicken the broth, the government advised members of the military and security services not to appear in public alone. Members of the Shi’ite clergy were advised to keep a low profile and, whenever possible, avoid wearing traditional clothes in public.
The sense of insecurity the regime wished to foment was boosted when foreign “Jihadists” invited to Tehran for the Islamic Unity Conference, were told they had to leave Iran earlier than scheduled as “pilgrimages” to Mashhad and Khomeini’s “Holy Shrine” were canceled.
However, like all other slogans used by the Khomeinist elite in the past 40 years, the “security” slogan is based on a pack of lies.
This is how the official news agency IRNA on Wednesday 20 November reported what it termed “serious damages to national security”:
1- Robbing chain stores in two cities in the Tehran Province.
3- Breaking the windows of {some} cars.
4- Cutting off the Internet throughout the country
5- Death of a number of citizens involved in disturbances.
It is interesting that even the cutting of the Internet, a government decision, is imputed to protesters.
Does IRNA’s “detailed report” indicate a situation in which “national security is threatened”?
Having failed in everything else, Khamenei is now trying to cast himself as the sole guarantor of security for Iranians, implicitly threatening them with a “Syria-like” tragedy. His apologists abroad, including some remnants of the Obama administration, warn against any action that might provoke Khamenei into activating his “suicide belt”, to blow himself up and with it the entire Middle East.
A Kayhan editorial Wednesday called for “revenge against those who organized the riots”. It demanded to attack their “sensitive strategic and economic centers”, adding “We can easily bring them to their knees,” presumably by activating Khamenei’s suicide-belt.
In this opinion, however, Khamenei’s “suicide-belt” is as fake as everything else in a regime that has lost the confidence of the people.